Public opinion polling in a globalized world
In: TNS political & social
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In: TNS political & social
In: Perfiles latinoamericanos, Band 16, Heft 31, S. 13-37
ISSN: 2309-4982
Los programas académicos y centros de investigación enfocados a Latinoamérica se basan en la premisa de que esta parte del mundo constituye algo más que una mera expresión geográfica: se supone que define una región cultural coherente, con habitantes que muestran concepciones del mundo y valores distintivos que los llevan a pensar y actuar diferente a las personas de otras culturas. Sin embargo, la existencia de áreas culturales significativas ha sido cuestionada desde diversas perspectivas. La pregunta es: ¿constituye Latinoamérica una región cultural coherente?; una cuestión que forma parte de otra más amplia: ¿existen zonas culturales coherentes?; un interrogante que integra otro aún más básico: ¿es la cultura una variable estable que produce impactos en la vida económica, política y social? ¿La cultura importa? Los datos obtenidos por la Encuesta Mundial de Valores que se aplicó en más de 90 países y que se presentan en este trabajo permiten ofrecer algunas respuestas. Los datos revelan un impresionante nivel de coherencia interna en los valores básicos sostenidos por las personas de diferentes sociedades, incluyendo Latinoamérica.
In: Culture and Politics, S. 325-347
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 34-47
Does Latin America exist?Latin American studies centers (like African, or Middle Eastern or West European studies centers) are based on the assumption that Latin America (and Africa, the Middle East, etc.) are more than arbitary geographic expressions: they define coherent cultural regions, having people with distinctive values and worldviews that make them think differently and behave differently from people of other cultures.The most powerful challenge to this view currently comes from the rational choice school, whose practitioners occasionally mention the importance of cultural differences but whose models almost always ignore them, implicitly assuming that in a given situation all people will make the same "rational" choices regardless of cultural perspectives. But if major differences exist between the worldviews and motivations of people in different cultural zones, a rational choice model that applies to the United States may not accurately describe the behavior of people in other cultures.The existence of meaningful cultural areas has been challenged on other grounds as well. Modernization theory focuses on the differences between "traditional" and "modern" societies, each of which are characterized by distinctive economic, political, social, and cultural institutions. This perspective tends to attribute any differences between Latin American and highly industrialized societies to differences in their levels of economic development: with economic development, these differences will tend to disappear. Differences between various "traditional" cultures tend to be ignored.The usefulness of "Latin America" as a meaningful cultural boundary could also be disputed on various other grounds.
In: Revue internationale des sciences sociales, Band 196, Heft 2, S. 113-125
ISSN: 0304-3037
Si une crise de légitimité politique dans une nation se définit comme un événement qui se produit lorsque « des portions non négligeables de populations politiquement significatives remettent en question ou refusent la validité normative des prétentions du pouvoir en place à exercer l'autorité », l'Argentine a connu au moins sept crises de légitimité de ce type au cours des cent dernières années. Les causes en peuvent être les actions de responsables politiques, le fait que des institutions politiques ne sont pas à la hauteur des demandes auxquelles elles doivent répondre, une croissance économique entravée, ou encore l'incapacité de groupes à s'entendre pour trouver des solutions acceptables de part et d'autre. Des enquêtes menées depuis 1984 montrent que les Argentins ont invariablement eu moins de confiance dans les grandes institutions de leur pays que les ressortissants des autres pays d'Amérique latine et de l'ensemble du monde. De plus, leur confiance dans les institutions nationales a considérablement baissé entre 1984 et 2006. Même si les Argentins s'intéressent peu à la politique et accordent beaucoup plus de confiance aux membres de leur famille qu'aux étrangers, la plupart d'entre eux n'en estiment pas moins que la démocratie est la meilleure forme de gouvernement pour leur pays. À l'avenir, si l'on veut renforcer la légitimité politique en Argentine, il semblerait que le mieux serait sans doute d'améliorer l'efficacité des institutions politiques, de limiter la corruption, et – ce qui est sans doute le plus important – de faire en sorte que la prospérité économique se maintienne et que le travail assidu soit récompensé comme il se doit.
In: International social science journal, Band 60, Heft 196, S. 273-283
ISSN: 1468-2451
If we define a crisis of political legitimacy in a nation as one that occurs when sizeable portions of the politically relevant population challenge or deny the normative validity of claims to authority made by its existing leadership, then Argentina has experienced at least seven such legitimacy crises in the past hundred years. The causes of these crises include the actions of political leaders, political institutions that have proven inadequate to the demands made upon them, frustrated economic growth and an inability of groups to compromise on mutually acceptable solutions. Survey data since 1984 show that Argentinians have consistently had much less confidence in the basic institutions of their society than have citizens in the rest of Latin America and in the world as a whole. Moreover, confidence in most institutions dropped precipitously between 1984 and 2006. Although Argentinians show low interest in politics and trust family members far more than outsiders, most of them still find that democracy is the best form of government for their country. In the future, some of the best ways to enhance political legitimacy in Argentina include increasing the efficiency of political institutions, limiting corruption and – perhaps most important of all – assuring that economic prosperity is maintained and that hard work is rewarded.
In: International social science journal, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 273-283
ISSN: 1468-2451
If we define a crisis of political legitimacy in a nation as one that occurs when sizeable portions of the politically relevant population challenge or deny the normative validity of claims to authority made by its existing leadership, then Argentina has experienced at least seven such legitimacy crises in the past hundred years. The causes of these crises include the actions of political leaders, political institutions that have proven inadequate to the demands made upon them, frustrated economic growth and an inability of groups to compromise on mutually acceptable solutions. Survey data since 1984 show that Argentinians have consistently had much less confidence in the basic institutions of their society than have citizens in the rest of Latin America and in the world as a whole. Moreover, confidence in most institutions dropped precipitously between 1984 and 2006. Although Argentinians show low interest in politics and trust family members far more than outsiders, most of them still find that democracy is the best form of government for their country. In the future, some of the best ways to enhance political legitimacy in Argentina include increasing the efficiency of political institutions, limiting corruption and -- perhaps most important of all -- assuring that economic prosperity is maintained and that hard work is rewarded. Adapted from the source document.
In: International social science journal: ISSJ, Band 60, Heft 2/196, S. 273-283
ISSN: 0020-8701
World Affairs Online
Die European Values Study (EVS) und die World Values Survey (WVS) sind zwei groß angelegte, länderübergreifende und längsschnittliche Umfrage-Forschungsprogramme. Sie umfassen eine große Anzahl von Fragen zu moralischen, religiösen, gesellschaftlichen, politischen, beruflichen und familiären Werten, die seit Anfang der achtziger Jahre repliziert wurden.
Beide Organisationen vereinbarten, ab 2017 bei der gemeinsamen Datenerhebung zusammenzuarbeiten. Der EVS war verantwortlich für die Planung und Durchführung von Umfragen in europäischen Ländern unter Verwendung des EVS-Fragebogens und der methodischen Richtlinien des EVS. Der WVSA war für die Planung und Durchführung von Umfragen in Ländern außerhalb Europas verantwortlich, wobei der WVS-Fragebogen und die methodischen Richtlinien des WVS verwendet wurden. Beide Organisationen entwickelten ihre Entwürfe für Master-Fragebögen unabhängig voneinander. Die gemeinsamen Items definieren den gemeinsamen Kern beider Fragebögen.
Der Gemeinsame EVS/WVS wird aus den beiden Quellendatensätzen des EVS und des WVS erstellt:
- European Values Study 2017 Integrated Dataset (EVS 2017), ZA7500 Data file Version 5.0.0, doi:10.4232/1.13897 (https://doi.org/10.4232/1.13897).
- World Values Survey: Round Seven–Country-Pooled Datafile. Version 5.0.0, doi: 10.14281/18241.20
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