In recent years, protests took the streets of cities around the world. Among the mobilizing factors were the perceptions of injustice, democratization demands, and, in the case of liberal democracies, waves of discontentment characterized by a mix of demands for better public services and changes in the discredited democratic institutions. This paper discusses social media usage in mobilization for demonstrations around the world, and how such use configures a paradigmatic example of how communication occurs in network societies. In order to frame the discussion, social media appropriation for the purposes of political participation is examined through a survey applied online in 17 countries. The ways in which social media domestication by a myriad of social actors occurred and institutional responses to demonstrations developed, it is argued that, in the network society, networked people, and no longer the media, are the message. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
In order to understand the role of contemporary journalism and the media system it is vital to consider consumers' relationship with news content in terms of trust and perception of dubious content. This analysis is particularly relevant in a context where intense flows of information raise serious questions about individual ability to interpret, validate, and reproduce content. This analysis explores a news literacy scale used by Maskl et al. (2015) and Fletcher (in Newman et al., 2018) to investigate the links between news literacy profiles and their relationship with content, with particular focus on illegitimate/doubtful news pieces. Results suggest individuals with higher news literacy tend to trust news in general but not when content originates in social media. Higher literacy profiles are also associated with increased concern regarding online content legitimacy. These conclusions are particularly relevant in the currently volatile media sphere, highly dependent on a substantially informed public to ensure the legitimacy and importance of journalistic content and to distinguish it from other kinds of content flooding communication networks. These efforts depend not only on the journalistic sphere but also on democratic systems themselves as they rely on a well-informed public to guarantee a healthy and inclusive debate. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
The analysis in this article focuses on the vertical and horizontal communication patterns of MPs, drawing on examples from a comparative survey done in seven European countries. The results show that the MPs in these countries can still be said to be in an initial phase of exploiting the full range of these new technologies to support their parliamentary and partisan activity, and that traditional media such as television, radio and newspapers are still the favoured means for political communication. In so far as ICT is used, MPs primarily use these means for internal communication within the party or within parliament, and not very much for external communication with constituents, journalists, lobbyists, etc. Analysing the use of homepages and political campaign via ICT, both of these means are seen to be largely dependent on the political party of the MP, and the party's electoral strategies, limiting individual initiatives by MPs. Also, a certain disinterest in a more extensive use, of ICT on the part of the MPs was found. There seem to be a number of reasons for this disinterest, among these the argument that there is still a considerable digital divide especially in the Southern European countries. However, as computer and Internet diffusion continues to increase rapidly, this argument becomes increasingly invalid.
In June 2013, protesters took to the streets of hundreds of Brazilian cities. The mobilizing factor was the rising fares of public transportation, which precipitated a wave of discontentment characterized by a mix of demands for better public services and changes in the discredited democratic institutions. This article discusses the role of social media in the protests and how such use configures a paradigmatic example of how communication occurs in network societies. To frame the discussion, we examine social media appropriation for the purposes of political participation through a survey applied online in 17 countries and an in-depth analysis of protests in Brazil. Looking at the Brazilian protests, the ways in which the appropriation of social media occurred and institutional responses to demonstrations developed, we argue that in the network society, the people, and no longer the media, are the message. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Since the North American presidential election of 2016, the role of social media on the propagation of misleading news and its instrumentalization by partisan groups has raised concerns. In this article we analyse the contents of 47 Facebook pages and 39 Facebook groups prior to the Portuguese parliamentary election of 6th of October of 2019 to track disinformation. Groups and pages to monitor were selected through a process that combined the number of fans or members, the proportion of political content, and the number of posts per week. We concluded that disinformative content was prevalent in the pages and groups monitored, that several political actors had a relevant influence on the debate and that most disinformation stemmed from the spinning of both mainstream and non-mainstream news to serve a political purpose.
Telecommunications, mobile and non-mobile, play a major role in our society, but their role as tools for escaping poverty remains a policy agenda still with room for progress both in Europe and around the World. Some groups in society, like the needy, have difficulties in accessing and using such technologies in ways that mirror the debates of the late 90s over the "digital divide". For some groups, like the needy, it would be more exact to address the concept of digital poverty rather than digital divide, because without access to telecommunications one might not have the same degree of opportunities to leave poverty or not to fall into poverty [34] [3] [4]. The goal of this paper is to scope the problem by departing from the Portuguese case study. Our research is empirical and highlights the telecommunication ownership and expenditures of the Portuguese population, and specially the most fragile segments within it. Such an effort is undertaken while not ignoring major issues of political economy of the contemporary globalizing networked society. Our main argument in this paper is that, if telecommunications are a needed tool for the lower income segments of the population, that is the needy, a debate around digital poverty associated to mobile telecommunications is needed in Europe too and to address such issues we need public policy commitments.
In order to understand the role of contemporary journalism and the media system it is vital to consider consumers' relationship with news content in terms of trust and perception of dubious content. This analysis is particularly relevant in a context where intense flows of information raise serious questions about individual ability to interpret, validate, and reproduce content. This analysis explores a news literacy scale used by Maskl et al . (2015) and Fletcher (in Newman et al. , 2018) to investigate the links between news literacy profiles and their relationship with content, with particular focus on illegitimate/doubtful news pieces. Results suggest individuals with higher news literacy tend to trust news in general but not when content originates in social media. Higher literacy profiles are also associated with increased concern regarding online content legitimacy. These conclusions are particularly relevant in the currently volatile media sphere, highly dependent on a substantially informed public to ensure the legitimacy and importance of journalistic content and to distinguish it from other kinds of content flooding communication networks. These efforts depend not only on the journalistic sphere but also on democratic systems themselves as they rely on a well-informed public to guarantee a healthy and inclusive debate. ; In order to understand the role of contemporary journalism and the media system it is vital to consider consumers' relationship with news content in terms of trust and perception of dubious content. This analysis is particularly relevant in a context where intense flows of information raise serious questions about individual ability to interpret, validate, and reproduce content. This analysis explores a news literacy scale used by Maskl et al . (2015) and Fletcher (in Newman et al. , 2018) to investigate the links between news literacy profiles and their relationship with content, with particular focus on illegitimate/doubtful news pieces. Results suggest individuals with higher news literacy tend to trust news in general but not when content originates in social media. Higher literacy profiles are also associated with increased concern regarding online content legitimacy. These conclusions are particularly relevant in the currently volatile media sphere, highly dependent on a substantially informed public to ensure the legitimacy and importance of journalistic content and to distinguish it from other kinds of content flooding communication networks. These efforts depend not only on the journalistic sphere but also on democratic systems themselves as they rely on a well-informed public to guarantee a healthy and inclusive debate.
OBJECTIVE: The European Association of Consultation-Liaison Psychiatry and Psychosomatics (EACLPP) has organized a workgroup to establish consensus on the contents and organization of training in consultation-liaison (C-L) for psychiatric and psychosomatic residents. METHODS: Initially, a survey among experts has been conducted to assess the status quo of training in C-L in different European countries. In several consensus meetings, the workgroup discussed aims, core contents, and organizational issues of standards of training in C-L. Twenty C-L specialists in 14 European countries participated in a Delphi procedure answering a detailed consensus checklist, which included different topics under discussion. RESULTS: Consensus on the following issues has been obtained: (1) all residents in psychiatry or psychosomatics should be exposed to C-L work as part of their clinical experience; (2) a minimum of 6 months of full-time (or equivalent part-time) rotation to a C-L department should take place on the second part of residency; (3) advanced training should last for at least 12 months; (4) supervision of trainees should be clearly defined and organized; and (5) trainees should acquire knowledge and skills on the following: (a) assessment and management of psychiatric and psychosomatic disorders or situations (e.g., suicide/self-harm, somatization, chronic pain and psychiatric disorders, and abnormal illness behavior in somatically ill patients); (b) crisis intervention and psychotherapy methods appropriate for medically ill patients; (c) psychopharmacology in physically ill patients; (d) communication with severely ill patients and dying patients, as well as with medical staff; (e) promotion of coordination of care for complex patients across several disciplines; and (f) organization of C-L service in relation to general hospital and/or primary care. In addition, the workgroup elaborated recommendations on the form of training and on assessment of competency. CONCLUSION: This document is a first step towards establishing recognized training in C-L psychiatry and psychosomatics across the European Union.
Background: Despite the progress over recent decades in developing community mental health services internationally, many people still receive treatment and care in institutional settings. Those most likely to reside longest in these facilities have the most complex mental health problems and are at most risk of potential abuses of care and exploitation. This study aimed to develop an international, standardised toolkit to assess the quality of care in longer term hospital and community based mental health units, including the degree to which human rights, social inclusion and autonomy are promoted.Method: The domains of care included in the toolkit were identified from a systematic literature review, international expert Delphi exercise, and review of care standards in ten European countries. The draft toolkit comprised 154 questions for unit managers. Inter-rater reliability was tested in 202 units across ten countries at different stages of deinstitutionalisation and development of community mental health services. Exploratory factor analysis was used to corroborate the allocation of items to domains. Feedback from those using the toolkit was collected about its usefulness and ease of completion.Results: The toolkit had excellent inter-rater reliability and few items with narrow spread of response. Unit managers found the content highly relevant and were able to complete it in around 90 minutes. Minimal refinement was required and the final version comprised 145 questions assessing seven domains of care.Conclusions: Triangulation of qualitative and quantitative evidence directed the development of a robust and comprehensive international quality assessment toolkit for units in highly variable socioeconomic and political contexts.
Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted routine hospital services globally. This study estimated the total number of adult elective operations that would be cancelled worldwide during the 12 weeks of peak disruption due to COVID-19. Methods: A global expert response study was conducted to elicit projections for the proportion of elective surgery that would be cancelled or postponed during the 12 weeks of peak disruption. A Bayesian β-regression model was used to estimate 12-week cancellation rates for 190 countries. Elective surgical case-mix data, stratified by specialty and indication (surgery for cancer versus benign disease), were determined. This case mix was applied to country-level surgical volumes. The 12-week cancellation rates were then applied to these figures to calculate the total number of cancelled operations. Results: The best estimate was that 28 404 603 operations would be cancelled or postponed during the peak 12 weeks of disruption due to COVID-19 (2 367 050 operations per week). Most would be operations for benign disease (90·2 per cent, 25 638 922 of 28 404 603). The overall 12-week cancellation rate would be 72·3 per cent. Globally, 81·7 per cent of operations for benign conditions (25 638 922 of 31 378 062), 37·7 per cent of cancer operations (2 324 070 of 6 162 311) and 25·4 per cent of elective caesarean sections (441 611 of 1 735 483) would be cancelled or postponed. If countries increased their normal surgical volume by 20 per cent after the pandemic, it would take a median of 45 weeks to clear the backlog of operations resulting from COVID-19 disruption. Conclusion: A very large number of operations will be cancelled or postponed owing to disruption caused by COVID-19. Governments should mitigate against this major burden on patients by developing recovery plans and implementing strategies to restore surgical activity safely.