Reconsidering African Elections
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Reconsidering African Elections" published on by Oxford University Press.
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In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Reconsidering African Elections" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 50, Heft 3, S. 521-548
ISSN: 0017-257X
In: Democratization, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 714-737
ISSN: 1351-0347
World Affairs Online
In: Democratization, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 714-737
ISSN: 1743-890X
In: APSA 2013 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
In: European political science: EPS, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 483-486
ISSN: 1682-0983
In: European political science: EPS ; serving the political science community ; a journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 483-486
ISSN: 1680-4333
In: International political science review: the journal of the International Political Science Association (IPSA) = Revue internationale de science politique, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 49-66
ISSN: 1460-373X
State capacity may be a crucial factor conditioning the democratizing power of elections in authoritarian regimes. This paper develops a two-phase theory considers the different effects of state capacity on turnover in elections and democratic change after elections. In regimes with limited state capacity, manipulating elections and repressing opposition is more difficult than in regimes with extensive state capacity, rendering turnover in elections more likely in weak states. However, if the new incumbent has limited capacity to deliver public services and make policy changes after coming to power, sustainable democratic change is unlikely. Hence, state capacity is hypothesized to have a negative effect on turnover, but a positive effect on democratic change. These hypotheses are confirmed in a sample of 460 elections in 110 authoritarian regimes taking place in the period 1974 to 2012 using the Varieties of Democracy dataset. The findings suggest a need to revisit strong-state-first theories of democratization.
In: Australian journal of human rights: AJHR, Band 23, Heft 2, S. 139-142
ISSN: 1323-238X
In: Australian journal of human rights: AJHR, Band 23, Heft 2, S. 143-167
ISSN: 1323-238X
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 487-511
ISSN: 1475-6765
AbstractElectoral integrity is increasingly being recognised as an important component of democracy, yet scholars still have limited understanding of the circumstances under which elections are most likely to be free, fair and genuine. This article posits that effective oversight institutions play a key role in scrutinising the electoral process and holding those with an interest in the electoral outcome to account. The main insight is that deficiencies in formal electoral management can be effectively compensated for via one or more other institutional checks: an active and independent judiciary; an active and independent media; and/or an active and independent civil society. Flawed elections are most likely to take place when all four checks on electoral conduct fail in key ways. These hypotheses are tested and supported on a cross‐national time‐series dataset of 1,047 national‐level elections held in 156 electoral regimes between 1990 and 2012.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research
ISSN: 0304-4130
In: Birch , S & van Ham , C 2017 , ' Getting Away with Foul Play? The Importance of Formal and Informal Oversight Institutions for Electoral Integrity ' , EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH , vol. 56 , no. 3 , pp. 487–511 . https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12189
Electoral integrity is increasingly being recognized as an important component of democracy, yet scholars still have limited understanding of the circumstances under which elections are most likely to be free, fair and genuine. This paper posits that effective oversight institutions play a key role in scrutinizing the electoral process and holding those with an interest in the electoral outcome to account. The main insight of this paper is that deficiencies in formal electoral management can be effectively compensated for via one or more other institutional checks: an active and independent judiciary, an active and independent media and/or an active and independent civil society. Flawed elections are most likely to take place when all four checks on electoral conduct fail in key ways. These hypotheses are tested and supported on a cross-national time-series dataset of 1,047 national-level elections held in 156 electoral regimes between 1990 and 2012.
BASE
In: V-Dem Working Paper No. 2017:51
SSRN
Working paper
In: Irish political studies: yearbook of the Political Studies Association of Ireland, Band 30, Heft 4, S. 454-481
ISSN: 1743-9078