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Este texto presenta algunos argumentos que vinculan las redes sociales, el medio ambiente y la necesidad de un diálogo transformador, en el contexto de marcos teóricos superpuestos de la democracia. Sostengo que la manipulación de los medios y las noticias falsas no son un fenómeno nuevo, pero que el contexto de las redes sociales ha complicado la diseminación y sofisticación de los procesos hegemónicos que cubren todos los rincones del mundo. Las conspiraciones que sustentan el movimiento anti-vax, que impugnan la derrota del presidente Trump, la xenofobia y muchas otras proporcionan algunos contextos de cómo el medio ambiente es y puede ser distorsionado a través de mensajes virales, mitos urbanos, comentarios, videos, textos y otros medios dentro de un torrente de ideología anti-ciencia. El texto concluye con algunas reflexiones sobre obstáculos, implicaciones y consecuencias particulares, así como innovaciones que pueden ser útiles para hacer avanzar un diálogo significativo en relación con la agencia, la acción y el activismo ambiental.

This text presents arguments linking together social media, the environment and the need for transformative dialogue. Within the backdrop of overlapping frameworks of democracy, I argue that media manipulation and fake news are not a new phenomenon but that the social media context has complexified the dissemination and sophistication of hegemonic processes that cover all corners of the Globe. Conspiracies underpinning the anti-vax movement, contesting the defeat of President Trump, xenophobia and many others provide some context for how the environment is and can be distorted through viral, urban myth messages, comments, videos, texts and other media within a torrent of anti-science ideology. The text concludes with some thoughts on particular obstacles, implications and consequences as well as innovations that may be helpful in moving meaningful dialogue forward in relation to environmental agency, action and activism. ; Este texto presenta algunos argumentos que vinculan las redes sociales, el medio ambiente y la necesidad de un diálogo transformador, en el contexto de marcos teóricos superpuestos de la democracia. Sostengo que la manipulación de los medios y las noticias falsas no son un fenómeno nuevo, pero que el contexto de las redes sociales ha complicado la diseminación y sofisticación de los procesos hegemónicos que cubren todos los rincones del mundo. Las conspiraciones que sustentan el movimiento anti-vax, que impugnan la derrota del presidente Trump, la xenofobia y muchas otras proporcionan algunos contextos de cómo el medio ambiente es y puede ser distorsionado a través de mensajes virales, mitos urbanos, comentarios, videos, textos y otros medios dentro de un torrente de ideología anti-ciencia. El texto concluye con algunas reflexiones sobre obstáculos, implicaciones y consecuencias particulares, así como innovaciones que pueden ser útiles para hacer avanzar un diálogo significativo en relación con la agencia, la acción y el activismo ambiental.

AbstractThis text starts with the premise that 'normative democracy' has rendered our societies vulnerable and burdened with unaddressed social inequalities. I highlight three central arguments: (1) Social media, and, consequently, citizen engagement are becoming a significant filter that can potentially re-imagine the political, economic, and social worlds, which increasingly bleed over to how we might develop and engage with 'democracy'; to this end, I introduce a brief case study on the nefarious interpretation of the killing of Jamal Khashoggi in 2018 to underscore the tension points in normative democracy; (2) Capitalism, or neoliberalism, needs to be more fully exposed, interrogated, and confronted if 'normative, representative, hegemonic, electoral democracy' is to be re-considered, re-imagined, and re-invented; the perpetuation of social inequalities lays bare the frailty of normative democratic institutions; (3) Covid-19 has exposed the fault lines and fissures of normative democracy, illustrating here the 'common sense' ways that power imbalances are sustained, which leaves little room for social solidarity; I present herein the case of the economic/labor dynamic in Quebec during the coronavirus. Ultimately, I believe the quest to re-imagine a more meaningful, critically engaged democracy, especially during a context that is imbued with a political, economic, and public health crisis, cannot be delayed much longer.

This text starts with the premise that 'normative democracy' has rendered our societies vulnerable and burdened with unaddressed social inequalities. I highlight three central arguments: (1) Social media, and, consequently, citizen engagement are becoming a significant filter that can potentially re-imagine the political, economic, and social worlds, which increasingly bleed over to how we might develop and engage with 'democracy'; to this end, I introduce a brief case study on the nefarious interpretation of the killing of Jamal Khashoggi in 2018 to underscore the tension points in normative democracy; (2) Capitalism, or neoliberalism, needs to be more fully exposed, interrogated, and confronted if 'normative, representative, hegemonic, electoral democracy' is to be re-considered, re-imagined, and re-invented; the perpetuation of social inequalities lays bare the frailty of normative democratic institutions; (3) Covid-19 has exposed the fault lines and fissures of normative democracy, illustrating here the 'common sense' ways that power imbalances are sustained, which leaves little room for social solidarity; I present herein the case of the economic/labor dynamic in Quebec during the coronavirus. Ultimately, I believe the quest to re-imagine a more meaningful, critically engaged democracy, especially during a context that is imbued with a political, economic, and public health crisis, cannot be delayed much longer.

Whiteness and White privilege are not terms that are easily identifiable, well known and or universally accepted. This article argues that Whiteness captures different, overlapping and fundamental concerns that shape contemporary societies globally, and can be used to understand, problematize and deconstruct a range of social conditions, interactions, and lived realities for all people. Education, social class affiliations, religious connections, and an infinite number of experiences shape (individual and collective) identity; however, the history of our times has made race an inextricably salient feature of our collective consciousness. There have been multiple claims of color-blindness, and the prospect of a post-racial society has been propagated by many mainstream, normative groups, especially espousing the Eurocentric (White) vision and version of reality, history, hegemony, culture and society. To meaningfully discuss Whiteness and White privilege, it is necessary to consider the context, and how historical, cultural, social, political, and economic factors are diverse (and sometimes similar) in varying geographic spaces and nations. The objective of work around Whiteness is, ultimately, to build a more decent society, achieve greater levels of social justice, and to address the deeply held values, manifestations, and realties that can lead to marginalization, racism, hatred, differentiated outcomes, and perverse social realities within cultural diversity, and 'multicultural' societies. This article links the analysis of Whiteness, power, and privilege to education, concluding with some suggestions for critical engagement in and through education so as to, hopefully, lay the groundwork for social justice and a more socially just society.

Democratizing Leadership: Counter?hegemonic Democracy in Organizations, Institutions, and Communities promotes leadership in the democratization of culture to counter the current hegemony of domination and cultivate an alternative hegemony of collaboration. It is premised on a leadership framework for decision?making rooted in democratic voice and leading to collective action. This broad peacebuilding prescription for individual and collective agency accounts for the constructive role of conflict in democratic pluralism, and the need to develop practices and structures that prevent violent conflict in order to advance positive peace. This theory addresses the contexts of deliberative, agonistic, and revolutionary democratic frameworks. Democratizing Leadership is informed by three qualitative case studies described in rich detail. First Bank System Visual Art Program, In the Heart of the Beast Theater's May Day Ritual, and The Minnesota Alliance of Peacemakers exemplify the practice of democratizing leadership. These diverse settings include corporate banking during 1980's deregulation, an annual community May Day parade, and an informal alliance of peacemaking organizations. Leadership in each case promotes authentic voice, encourages decision?making with integrity, and advocates for responsible collective action.

Preliminary Material /Brad J. Porfilio and Paul R. Carr -- The Neo-Liberal Social Order, Youth and Resistance /Brad J. Porfilio and Paul R. Carr -- Minoritized Youth, Cultural Capital, and the (MICRO) Policy Context of Schooling /Carolyn M. Shields and David Requa -- Racialized Students Resisting /Kevin Gosine and Carl E. James -- White Working-Class High School Students and Resistance to Neo-Liberalism /Julie Gorlewski -- Everyday Education /David Alberto Quijada Cerecer -- Renewing Youth Engagement in Social Justice Activism /Darren E. Lund and Maryam Nabavi -- Hip-Hop as a Counter-Public Space of Resistance for Black Male Youth /Darius Prier -- Hip-Hop Pedagogues /Bradley J. Porfilio and Shannon M. Porfilio -- Popular Music and Neo-Liberal Globalization in Burkina Faso /Tourouzou Herver Some -- Using God to Turn Off The Radio /Curry Malott -- Anarcho-Punk /Robert Haworth -- Critical Pedagogy Through the Reinvention of Place: /Katie Johnston-Goodstar , Alma M.O. Trinidad and Aster S. Tecle -- Supporting Youth in the Pursuit of a Post-Neo-Liberal Vision /Michael O'Sullivan -- Political (Il)Literacy /Paul R. Carr and Gina Thésée -- Afterword /Greg Dimitriadis -- Contributor Biographies /Brad J. Porfilio and Paul R. Carr -- Index /Brad J. Porfilio and Paul R. Carr.

This conceptual article underscores the importance of critical engagement in and through education with a view to enhancing education for democracy (EfD). As a centerpiece to illustrating this connection, we refer to our research project, which engages international actors through an analysis of the perceptions, experiences and perspectives of education students, educators and others in relation to EfD. The article presents the Thick-Thin Spectrum of EfD and a Spectrum for Critical Engagement for EfD to re(present) the problematic of political engagement and literacy on the part of teacher-education students. The findings of our study highlight a necessity for education to be connected and linked to deliberative and participatory democracy in a critical manner in order to create positive, progressive, and transformative educational opportunities, especially in relation to inequitable power relations and social justice. In sum, we seek to re(conceptualize) the meaning of democracy within, and for, education while making the linkage with the lived experience of future educators and others involved in formal education.

Section I: Theorizing Peace, War and Peace. - Section II: Scanning the War in Our Daily (and Educational) Lives. - Section III: The Curriculum of War and Peace. - Section IV: Internationalizing Peace and the Trauma of War and Conflict. - Section V: Resisting the Militarization of Education

"What is the meaning of peace, why should we study it, and how should we achieve it? Although there are an increasing number of manuscripts, curricula and initiatives that grapple with some strand of peace education, there is, nonetheless, a dearth of critical, cross-disciplinary, international projects/books that examine peace education in conjunction with war and conflict. Within this volume, the authors contend that war/military conflict/violence are not a nebulous, far-away, mysterious venture; rather, they argue that we are all, collectively, involved in perpetrating and perpetuating militarization/conflict/violence inside and outside of our own social circles. Therefore, education about and against war can be as liberating as it is necessary. If war equates killing, can our schools avoid engaging in the examination of what war is all about? If education is not about peace, then is it about war? Can a society have education that willfully avoids considering peace as its central objective? Can a democracy exist if pivotal notions of war and peace are not understood, practiced, advocated and ensconced in public debate? These questions, according to Carr and Porfilio and the contributors they have assembled, merit a critical and extensive reflection. This book seeks to provide a range of epistemological, policy, pedagogical, curriculum and institutional analyses aimed at facilitating meaningful engagement toward a more robust and critical examination of the role that schools play (and can play) in framing war, militarization and armed conflict and, significantly, the connection to peace"--Provided by publisher