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The city is a conglomeration of abstract and malleable signs. It is a mediated object but also a mediating subject in constant development; an entity in constant construction and deconstruction of realities. However, the city is not merely a historical, material creation; a commercial,
industrial and political product. Its construction is also inseparable from the literary and the artistic. This article studies and compares two urban representations of Madrid: Arturo Soria's urban renewal experiment, the Linear City (1892), and Antonio Muoz Molina's novel Los misterios
de Madrid (1992). These constructions are, in temporal terms, separated by a century, but they nonetheless share many philosophical, political, economic and cultural sensibilities. By focusing on two different urban constructions responding to the physical as well as the symbolic nature
of the Spanish capital, I propose to draw a brief outline of the city (Madrid) as political metaphor and to hint at future representations by discussing more recent constructions being produced in other contemporary Spanish narratives at the beginning of the twenty-first Century.

This article reconstructs the concept of right-wing extremism/radicalism. Using Mudde's influential 1995 study as a foundation, it first canvasses the recent academic literature to explore how the concept has been described and defined. It suggests that, despite the frequent warnings that we lack an unequivocal definition of this concept, there is actually a high degree of consensus amongst the definitions put forward by different scholars. However, it argues that the characteristics mentioned in some of the definitions have not been organized meaningfully. It, therefore, moves on to distinguish between the defining properties of right-wing extremism/radicalism and the accompanying ones, and in so doing it advances a minimal definition of the concept as an ideology that encompasses authoritarianism, anti-democracy and exclusionary and/or holistic nationalism.

In the past 15 to 20 years an increasingly social, as opposed to commercial, approach to forestry has been adopted in many developing countries. Nepal began the deliberate promotion of community forestry in the late 1970s at a time when both His Majesty's Government of Nepal (HMG-N) and donor agencies saw forestry development as a major need. Dire predictions were being made about rapid deforestation and environmental degradation, exemplified by writers such as Eckholm (1976), and given credence by official reports. A much-quoted World Bank report (1978) predicted that by the year 2000 there would be virtually no accessible forest left in Nepal unless reforestation programmes were initiated on a massive scale. The disappearance of the forest was considered to be particularly rapid in the hills where it was claimed that within 15 years (ie. by 1993) no accessible forest would remain.

'Creaming' and 'parking' are endemic concerns within quasi-marketised welfare-to-work (WTW) systems internationally, and the UK's flagship Work Programme for the long-term unemployed is something of an international pioneer of WTW delivery, based on outsourcing, payment by results and provider flexibility. In the Work Programme design, providers' incentives to 'cream' and 'park' differently positioned claimants are intended to be mitigated through the existence of nine payment groups (based on claimants' prior benefit type) into which different claimants are allocated and across which job outcome payments for providers differ. Evaluation evidence suggests however that 'creaming' and 'parking' practices remain common. This paper offers original quantitative insights into the extent of claimant variation within these payment groups, which, contrary to the government's intention, seem more likely to design in rather than design out 'creaming' and 'parking'. In response, a statistical approach to differential payment setting is explored and is shown to be a viable and more effective way to design a set of alternative and empirically grounded payment groups, offering greater predictive power and value-for-money than is the case in the current Work Programme design.

Waves of successive Devolution Deals are transforming England's landscape of spatial governance and transferring new powers to city-regions, facilitating fundamental qualitative policy reconfigurations and opening up new opportunities as well as new risks for citizens and local areas. Focused on city-region's recently emerging roles around employment support policies the article advances in four ways what are currently conceptually and geographically underdeveloped literatures on employment support accountability levers. Firstly, the paper dissects weaknesses in the accountability framework of Great Britain's key national contracted-out employment support programme and identifies the potential for city-regions to respond to these weaknesses. Secondly, the article highlights the centrality of the nationally neglected network accountability lever in supporting these unemployed individuals and advances this discussion further by introducing to the literature for the first time a conceptual distinction between what we term 'positive' and 'negative' forms of these accountably levers that currently remain homogenised within the literature. Crucially, the argument sets out for the first time in the literature why analytically it is the positive version of network accountability that is the key – and currently missing at national-level – ingredient to the design of effective employment support for the priority group of 'harder-to-help' unemployed people who have more complex and/or severe barriers to employment. Thirdly, the paper argues from a geographical perspective that it is city-regions that are uniquely positioned in the English context to create the type of positively networked integrated employment support 'ecosystem' that 'harder-to-help' individuals in particular require. Finally, the discussion situates these city-region schemes within their broader socio-economic and political context and connects with broader debates around the lurching development of neoliberalism. In doing so it argues that whilst these ...

In April 1867, Fyodor Dostoevsky left Russia for central Europe, in part to celebrate his marriage to Anna Gregorovich Snitkina, the young stenographer who had helped him compose The Gambler the previous fall. While that book freed him from the clutches of the publisher Stellovsky, who had advanced him money in exchange for a lien on his future works, it did not remove the larger financial destitution that threatened the new family, and fear of the debtor's prison clouded Dostoevsky's subsequent four-year sojourn in Europe. Residing first in Berlin and Dresden, he began to entertain thoughts of escaping his financial difficulties through gambling. In May, he traveled briefly to Bad Homburg; later, both he and Anna proceeded to Baden-Baden. Contrary to his hopes, life imitated art, and Dostoevsky was soon as hopelessly beset by the gambling demons as his fictional anti-hero, Alexei, and with as little success. By the end of the summer, he had pawned many of his and Anna's belongings and systematically lost the gifts sent from Russia by friends to bail them out. Finally on August 23, he managed to tear himself away from the tables. Over the next four years, he would gamble sporadically, but never with the same fervor he brought to Baden-Baden that summer. After returning to Russia in 1871, he gave up gambling entirely.