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AbstractThe research question precipitated by the concern for "just sanctions" and effective treatment for future juvenile programs is: What have been the criterion used by juvenile court decision makers in disposition sentencing. Disposition is analyzed for both nonstatus and status offense groups. The method of analysis is a stepwise discriminant function. The findings indicate the importance of legalistic variables and a social class bias in the dispositions of both offense groups. The social class bias is much stronger in the case of status offenders and increases at subsequent court disposition levels. These data support the labeling‐conflict contention of class bias in the application of sanctions and suggest a policy directive for future delinquency prevention programs.

Abstract On the basis of a reanalysis of the empirical evidence. Tittle et al. (1978) concluded that the presumed inverse relationship between class and crime is a myth. We discuss six problems in their evaluation: paucity of evidence; lack of specification of theoretical relationships; faulty specification and measures of class; inadequate operational definitions of "crime"; faulty analysis of evidence; and failure to examine all evidence. We conclude that the empirical evidence supports the hypothesis that low class position is a source of serious crimes against persons and property.

Researchers generally examine how variables directly affect events in war. Some variables, however, may not simply increase or decrease conflict events but may instead displace them. In wartime, this dynamic may result from the conditional decision-making made by militaries constrained, at least partially, by time. When there is a necessary regularity to military operations, decision-making may be complicated by factors such as inclement weather, and this regularized pressure to act may produce a hydraulic relationship between inclement weather and events. In this dynamic, today's inclement weather, such as rain, may displace today's events. Conversely, yesterday's rain may increase today's, with planned events postponed. Similarly, tomorrow's rain may also increase today's events, with planned activities moved forward. We test this hydraulic argument with geo-referenced data from the recent Ugandan civil war and find significant evidence that conflict events are fluid in time. Inclement weather constrains and also displaces events.

The study of conflict increasingly focuses on events and relationships within wars. Among these is the relationship between physical geography and violence. Careful examinations of the relationship between physical geography, especially weather, and events within wars are, however, still few. With increasingly available data on the violence within wars and the physical geography within states, the opportunities for such quantitative analysis have grown. In particular, the ongoing war in Afghanistan provides a useful opportunity to examine this relationship. Using this conflict, we test an argument about how the constraints and opportunities provided by physical geography, in particular daily and seasonal measures of weather, explain combat fatalities. We evaluate our argument with a series of event count models and find consistently significant evidence connecting warm temperatures, decreased visibility and windy conditions to coalition combat fatalities. Alternatively, we find mixed support that the more commonly studied elements of physical geography, distance and rough terrain are connected to these fatalities.