Suchergebnisse

"The concept of ideological configuration is proposed to refer to a complex of ideological attitudes - Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) - based on a shared core of derogation of out groups. This concept is used in two surveys, in Chile and in Germany, to predict attitudes toward foreigners. Analyses using structural equation modeling (SEM) showed that a second-order factor involving RWA and SDO predicts hostility toward foreigners in Germany and affection toward Peruvian and Argentinean immigrants in Chile. This prediction was stronger in Germany than in Chile. The difference in strength is discussed in terms of the kind of measurements, different contexts of migration, and characteristics of the immigrants. Further research using the concept of ideological configuration is proposed." (author's abstract)

In a longitudinal study of the political culture of three generations of Chileans (n1=494; n2=695; n3=494) we discuss the relationship between social structural variables (generation and social class) and attitudes concerning their ideological standing (support of democracy and authoritarianism). Results show that within young right-wingers support of democracy is higher than within adult right-wingers, and that the relationship between authoritarianism and education level depends on social class. These findings suggest that current research on ideology should take into account, in addition to the individual variables usually considered in social psychology, the old relationship between social structure and themolding of ideological attitudes. ; A partir de los resultados de una investigación longitudinal sobre la cultura política de tres generaciones de chilenos (n1=494; n2=695; n3=494) se discute la relación entre variables estructurales de la sociedad (generación y clase social) y actitudes relevantes para el posicionamiento ideológico (apoyo a la democracia y autoritarismo). Los resultados indican que entre los jóvenes de derecha el apoyo a la democracia es más alto que entre los adultos de derecha, y que la relación entre autoritarismo y nivel educacional depende de la clase social. Estos resultados sugieren que el estudio actual de la ideología debe volver a tomar en cuenta, además de las variables individuales habitualmente utilizadas en psicología social, la clásica relación entre la estructura social y la formación de las actitudes ideológicas.

Abstract
In October 2019, Chile witnessed an unprecedented social uprising, with millions of citizens rising against social
inequalities and injustice. The government employed various strategies to end demonstrations, including the speeches delivered by
President Piñera. This study aims to explore the representation of protests and their actors in the presidential discourse and how
it evolved over the course of events. Our analysis of themes, discursive actions, and attitudinal appraisals, coupled with a
temporal framework, reveals that the initial framing of the uprising as a war shifted to crime rhetoric, possibly in response to
negative reactions from the audience. Despite the President adopting a seemingly softer rhetoric later on, our study suggests that
violence and division remained prominent themes in his speeches. Examining discourse shifts and fluctuations throughout the
timeline of the social upheaval provides a comprehensive understanding of how political discourse is shaped in the midst of an
unparalleled social uprising

AbstractAround the world, we witness not only growing levels of economic inequality but also the rise of protests whereby people from different social classes are demanding a more equal society. Our research uses a person‐centered approach to examine subgroups of participants in a social movement against inequality on the basis of their social class, intention to participate in conventional and/or radical collective actions, and social identification with the movement. We used longitudinal data from the Chilean student movement (two time points; total N = 1226) to conduct latent profile and latent transition analysis. We identified four profiles of participants: (1) inactive supporters (mostly from the upper class), (2) low radicals (mostly from the middle class), (3) moderate radicals (mostly from the middle class), and (4) high radicals (mostly from the middle class). The four profiles were generally stable over the one‐year period. We further found that group efficacy and a "nothing to lose" mindset predicted the profile membership of participants. Group efficacy also predicted transitions of participants between different profiles. Our findings highlight the key role that the middle class plays in diverse forms of collective action.