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Abstract This paper addresses one of the open issues in the reconstruction of Proto-Tupi-Guarani (PTG) segmental phonology: The status of the *k -*kʲ opposition. We argue that the contrast is artifactual and that the presumed evidence in favor of PTG *kʲ can be considered as secondary developments of PTG *k in Kayabí, Guarayu, Kagwahiva, Tenetehára, Kamayurá, and Ka'apor. We establish additional facts regarding the structure of PTG and the historical phonology of TG languages, also showing that this finding eliminates the need for an unmotivated split in Pre-PTG history, a problematic feature of current reconstructions of the Proto-Tupian consonant system.

Abstract This contribution is concerned with the reconstruction of the vowel qualities of Proto-Tupian, the ancestral language of the Tupian language family. The study is grounded in a bottom-up application of the comparative method and seeks to offer a more balanced reconstruction that avoids an overreliance on the Tupí-Guaraní branch. It is first shown that the height opposition traditionally reconstructed for the rounded vowel series (*o vs. *u) is best interpreted as an opposition between an unrounded vowel and a rounded one (*ə vs. *o). It is also argued that multiple instances of *e in the traditional reconstruction should be rather attributed to *ə. Finally, it is shown that two vowels (symbolized as *ɨ and *ɯ) must be reconstructed in lieu of the traditional *ɨ. The resulting proposal has consequences for the subgrouping of the Tupian family.

Abstract This paper applies the comparative method to unravel the historical development of the segmental phonology of Paunaka, an Arawakan language of Bolivia. Although the Paunaka vowel system features a single back rounded vowel, it is rather simple to show that it derives from a system with two back rounded qualities *u and *o, but that the former segment shifted to a high central unrounded vowel ɨ. The language has lost *r unconditionally, implying that Paunaka items with r are probable loanwords. Paunaka underewent a spirantization of *ts, thus merging this affricate with the fricative *s. Although Paunaka shares a coronalization of *k > s with Proto-Mojeño, most of the phonological developments that affected Paunaka are either recurrent in the Arawakan language family or only superficially similar to developments in related languages, and thus provide little weight as evidence for subgrouping. An Appendix is also included, with 105 etymologies matching Paunaka lexical and grammatical morphemes with their cognates in Proto-Mojeño, the two extant Mojeño dialects (Ignaciano and Trinitario) and Terena.

Abstract This paper argues that early Terena ('Guaná') had a contrast between fricative and affricate consonants that has been lost in modern Terena. Evidence for this claim comes from the examination of late 19th century and early 20th century documents on the language. The existence of the relevant phonemic contrast is revealed not only by an analysis of the transcriptions employed in these early sources but, more importantly, by a demonstration that fricatives and affricates were treated differently in the history of the language. It is proposed that, after the early Terena voiceless fricatives were debuccalized, merging with early Terena h, the affricates started to include fricative realizations in their allophonic range. This scenario is consistent with descriptions of modern Terena that stress the 'archaic' character of affricate realizations of /ʃ/.

Abstract The present paper discusses evidence supporting the claim that the common Xinguan Arawak noun for 'hand', *wɨʂɨku, is a shared lexical innovation of this subgroup and that, in addition, a formation for 'finger' derived from a nominal compound with the roots for 'hand' and 'head', *kapɨ-tɨwɨ, sets Waurá, Mehinaku and Kustenaú apart from other languages of the family, including Yawalapiti. The reconstructed Proto-Arawak etymon for 'hand', *kʰapɨ, is preserved in the Xinguan Arawak languages only in the form of obscure cognates, instantiating interesting developments in lexical semantics as well as a relatively uncommon sound change in Yawalapiti. The discussion incorporates and addresses the historical linguistic significance of the earliest documentation of the Xinguan Arawak languages, the material gathered by Karl von den Steinen in 1887-1888. The analyses and data discussed highlight serious shortcomings in some of the reconstructed forms and diachronic developments advanced by Payne (1991), such as the postulation of a shift *a > ɨ in Waurá and the reconstruction of syllable-final *h for the Proto-Arawak language, one of the most controversial aspects of his comparative study.

The Záparoan linguistic family has been so far acknowledged as constituting a genetic group only on the basis of lexical similarity and grammatical parallels. We present here a preliminary statement of recurring sound correspondences holding among the basic lexical and grammatical vocabularies of three languages usually seen as belonging into the Záparoan family: Iquito, Arabela and Záparo. Though still a preliminary effort towards a more complete understanding of the history of this group, this is enough to gain some insight into the sound changes that have acted in the diversification of these languages from their putative common ancestor and to qualify the claims concerning the Záparoan affiliation of a fourth language, Omurano, our conclusion being that no evidence for this hypothesis exists.