Suchergebnisse

This article challenges the common assumption of the fascist nature of the Portuguese Estado Novo from the thirties to mid-forties, while recognizing the innovative, modernizing dynamic of much of its state architecture. It takes into account the prolix discourse of Oliveira Salazar, the head of government, as well as Duarte Pacheco's extensive activity as minister of Public Works, and the positions and projects of the architects themselves. It also considers the allegedly peripheral status of architectural elites, and the role played by decision makers, whether politicians or bureaucrats, in the intricate process of architectural renewal. The article shows that a non-radical form of nationalism has always prevailed as a discourse in which to express the unique Portuguese spirit, that of a people that saw itself as transporting Christian morality and faith across the world, a civilizing role that the country continued to fulfil in its overseas colonies. Taking the architectural legacy of the Estado Novo in its complexity leads to the conclusion that, while the dictatorship did not dismiss modernization outright, and though it adopted what could be superficially considered fascist traits, the language of national resurgence disseminated by the Portuguese regime did not express a future-oriented fascist ideology of radical rebirth. The country's futural orientation would be accomplished by adopting a restrained policy of moderate modernization that lacked the dynamism and utopian ambition of fascism, a conservatism reflected in its architecture.

This article challenges the common assumption of the fascist nature of the Portuguese Estado Novo from the thirties to mid-forties, while recognizing the innovative, modernizing dynamic of much of its state architecture. It takes into account the prolix discourse of Oliveira Salazar, the head of government, as well as Duarte Pacheco's extensive activity as minister of Public Works, and the positions and projects of the architects themselves. It also considers the allegedly peripheral status of architectural elites, and the role played by decision makers, whether politicians or bureaucrats, in the intricate process of architectural renewal. The article shows that a non-radical form of nationalism has always prevailed as a discourse in which to express the unique Portuguese spirit, that of a people that saw itself as transporting Christian morality and faith across the world, a civilizing role that the country continued to fulfil in its overseas colonies. Taking the architectural legacy of the Estado Novo in its complexity leads to the conclusion that, while the dictatorship did not dismiss modernization outright, and though it adopted what could be superficially considered fascist traits, the language of national resurgence disseminated by the Portuguese regime did not express a future-oriented fascist ideology of radical rebirth. The country's futural orientation would be accomplished by adopting a restrained policy of moderate modernization that lacked the dynamism and utopian ambition of fascism, a conservatism reflected in its architecture. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Considerations on the Portuguese architecture during the New State are usually set apart cultural, societal and economic developments. Appreciating, in particular, the modifications of the constructive techniques, Portuguese architectural historians place the Estado Novo architecture within the 'Modern Movement' or Modernism. However, Modernism, far beyond a mere aesthetic phenomenon, has been conceptualise - either by philosophers, sociologists, anthropologists or historians – as a radical response to the abrupt economic and societal challenges brought by the modernity, such as the working class proletarisation, laicisation of the society, transport revolution, and so forth. Having said that, this paper aims to scrutinise the societal model reproduced by the Junta de Colonização Interna, one of the Estado Novo institutions in charge of studying and shaping the Portuguese rural landscape therefore materialising the regime's political views. The aim is to discuss its modernist character. Is it the case that the Estado Novo institution has ever aimed the creation of a new way of living plainly adjusted to modernity or did it reproduced the conservative, traditionalist and catholic values, with all its the rigid stratification they advocate? To enlighten this question, sketches, internal reports and other documents of the Junta de Colonização Interna will be explored through the lens of the allegedly dialogue between tradition and modernity that others identified in relation to architecture and urban planning discourses of the Estado Novo regime thus contributing to the debate on the regime's nature. ; This project has received funding from the Foundation for Science and Technology, Portugal (SFRH/BPD/68725/2010). The presentation of this paper received funding from the Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia in the scope of ICS-UÇ Strategic Plan UID/SOC/50013/2013. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

AbstractEstablished in 1933 by Oliveira Salazar, the Portuguese New State was a civil, nationalist, conservative and corporatist dictatorship. A concordat was established between the New State and the Holy See in 1940, yet the treaty did not favour the Catholic Church to the degree one might expect from a Catholic interwar dictator. The fact that the political legitimacy of the Portuguese regime was not dependent on sanctioning by the Holy See justifies this apparent inconsistency. The distinctive features of the Portuguese concordat were enhanced by the authoritarian, rather than totalitarian, nature of the regime. Salazar, more so than Mussolini or Franco, was constrained by political forces not in favour of Catholic privileges. In addition, the dictator himself defended a strict separation of church and state as prescribed by the Portuguese constitution. Nonetheless, Salazar regarded the concordat as an important propaganda instrument that, in association with the 1940 Exhibition of the Portuguese World, would allow the internal and external prestige of the regime to be increased.

Die Perspektiven des MERCOSUR in den internationalen Beziehungen mit der Freihandelszone Amerikas ALCA/FTAA und der Europäischen Gemeinschaft Rita de Cassia Carvalho de Carvalho Abstract In dieser Arbeit wird MERCOSUR, Gemeinsamer Markt des Südens, als ein politischer Integrationsprozeß zwischen Entwicklungsländern, der mit der Integrationsherausforderung i. S. des wandelnden Völkerrechts, konfrontiert ist, vorgestellt. Damit sind die rechtspolitischen Perspektiven für MERCOSUR eng mit der Trilogie EU, ALCA und WTO verbunden. Aus integrationsrechtlichem Blickwinkel entwickelte sich MERCOSUR zu einem sui generis Integrationsprozeß mit der Gewährleistung der vier Marktfreiheiten nach dem EU-Vorbild. Im MERCOSUR-Recht herrscht die Zwischenstaatlichkeitsklausel. Die Herren der Verträge und Träger von Kompetenz-Kompetenz i. S. v. pouvoir constituant sind die Mitgliedsstaaten. Obwohl die fehlende Rechtssicherheit die Vertiefung des Gemeinsamen Marktes gefährdet, bietet die Übernahme des EU-Modells keine Lösung, weil die Problematik eher bei der schwachen Rechtsdurchsetzung in den Entwicklungsländern zu finden ist. Angesichts der ALCA-Logik, d. h. im Handels-, Investitions- und Dienstleistungswesen wettbewerbs¬fähig zu werden, dafür aber Rückschritte in Umwelt-, Sozial- und Arbeitsrechtsstandard hinnehmen zu müssen, übernimmt MERCOSUR die aktive Hauptrolle in Lateinamerika in den Verhandlungen mit den USA. In der WTO-Ordnung mit einer quasi-obligatorischen Gerichtsbarkeit, welche kaum Umwelt- und Menschenrecht einbezieht, sollte MERCOSUR die Politik des dritten Weges mit anderen Entwicklungsländern führen um einen Weg mit quasi der Entwicklung und Umsetzung einer neuen Wirtschafts- und Gesellschaftsordnung, die Umwelt- und Menschenrecht garantieren soll, zu gewährleisten. ; Die Perspektiven des MERCOSUR in den internationalen Beziehungen mit der Freihandelszone Amerikas ALCA/FTAA und der Europäischen Gemeinschaft Rita de Cassia Carvalho de Carvalho Abstract In dieser Arbeit wird MERCOSUR, Gemeinsamer Markt des Südens, als ein politischer Integrationsprozeß zwischen Entwicklungsländern, der mit der Integrationsherausforderung i. S. des wandelnden Völkerrechts, konfrontiert ist, vorgestellt. Damit sind die rechtspolitischen Perspektiven für MERCOSUR eng mit der Trilogie EU, ALCA und WTO verbunden. Aus integrationsrechtlichem Blickwinkel entwickelte sich MERCOSUR zu einem sui generis Integrationsprozeß mit der Gewährleistung der vier Marktfreiheiten nach dem EU-Vorbild. Im MERCOSUR-Recht herrscht die Zwischenstaatlichkeitsklausel. Die Herren der Verträge und Träger von Kompetenz-Kompetenz i. S. v. pouvoir constituant sind die Mitgliedsstaaten. Obwohl die fehlende Rechtssicherheit die Vertiefung des Gemeinsamen Marktes gefährdet, bietet die Übernahme des EU-Modells keine Lösung, weil die Problematik eher bei der schwachen Rechtsdurchsetzung in den Entwicklungsländern zu finden ist. Angesichts der ALCA-Logik, d. h. im Handels-, Investitions- und Dienstleistungswesen wettbewerbs¬fähig zu werden, dafür aber Rückschritte in Umwelt-, Sozial- und Arbeitsrechtsstandard hinnehmen zu müssen, übernimmt MERCOSUR die aktive Hauptrolle in Lateinamerika in den Verhandlungen mit den USA. In der WTO-Ordnung mit einer quasi-obligatorischen Gerichtsbarkeit, welche kaum Umwelt- und Menschenrecht einbezieht, sollte MERCOSUR die Politik des dritten Weges mit anderen Entwicklungsländern führen um einen Weg mit quasi der Entwicklung und Umsetzung einer neuen Wirtschafts- und Gesellschaftsordnung, die Umwelt- und Menschenrecht garantieren soll, zu gewährleisten.

A qualidade de vida abrange uma gama complexa de fatores individuais e únicos; considerando que vivemos em uma sociedade que marginaliza os indivíduos sexualmente diversos, precisamos entender o impacto da orientação sexual na qualidade de vida, permitindo a construção de políticas públicas para esse público. Objetivo: avaliar o índice de qualidade de vida de jovens homossexuais e bissexuais. Metodologia: estudo transversal, observacional, descritivo e analítico, com jovens de 20 a 24 anos, que se relacionam sexual e/ou afetivamente com indivíduos do mesmo gênero; a qualidade de vida foi aferida através da ferramenta WHOQOL-bref, além do questionário sociodemográfico. Resultados: foram analisados 225 questionários, onde 60,9% eram do gênero feminino e 54,7% eram bissexuais, idade média de 22 anos (±1,4), alta renda familiar (59,6%) e alta escolaridade (92,9%), com predominância de indivíduos brancos (56,9%). A média da qualidade de vida global foi 74,34 (±13,46), com prejuízo no domínio psicológico (67,14 ± 15,12). Ausência de significância estatística na comparação dos domínios com a orientação sexual, gênero e idade. Presença de índices superiores nas questões relacionadas à mobilidade, acesso à informação e moradia, enquanto pensamentos negativos, segurança e sono apresentaram menores valores. Conclusão: os participantes deste trabalho são do gênero feminino, bissexuais, alta escolaridade e alta renda familiar e idade média de 22 anos; apresentam os menores escores de qualidade de vida no domínio psicológico, com as variáveis pensamento negativo, segurança e sono como mais afetadas. Não há diferença estatisticamente significante dos domínios em relação à orientação sexual, gênero e idade.

The three articles that follow are the second part of a special issue of Fascism devoted to case studies in 'Latin' architecture in the fascist era, the first part of which was published in volume 7 (2018), no. 1. The architecture of three clearly para-fascist regimes comes under the spotlight: those of Spain, Portugal, and Brazil, in each of which a genuine fascist movement was either absorbed into a right-wing dictatorship (as occurred under Franco) or disbanded by it while perceptibly retaining some fascist elements (as in the case of the Salazar and Vargas regimes). Once again, the juxtaposition of the articles reveals unexpected elements of internationalism, entanglements, and histoires croisées both sides of the Atlantic in the impact of the fascist experiments in Germany and Italy.

O turismo rural é um segmento que visa agregar valor as atividades realizadas nos espaços rurais por meio da gestão participativa, e em especial a gestão do território turístico, em que toros os componentes do município, gestão pública, privada e comunidade participem do planejamento de forma engajada para a obtenção de benefícios. Este estudo teve objetivou analisar a gestão participativa do turismo rural no município de Ilha Grande-PI, um dos 14 municípios pertencentes a Rota das Emoções, identificar como se dá o planejamento participativo para este segmento turístico e a contribuição da gestão pública participativa em Ilha Grande-PI. A metodologia definiu-se em caráter quantitativo e qualitativo, bibliográfica, exploratória e descritiva com aplicação de roteiros de entrevistas e questionários para a obtenção de dados que propuseram respostas aos objetivos propostos. Dessa maneira foi identificada que a gestão participativa é relevante para o município e como essa gestão é fundamental para o planejamento do turismo rural com a inserção da comunidade nos processos decisórios que contemplem o planejamento e que contribuam para o desenvolvimento local. Portanto, espera-se que esse estudo possa instigar novas discussões sobre a gestão participativa do turismo rural.

Purpose
Older adults often experience loneliness as a vicious circle, in which loneliness builds more loneliness. Breaking this cycle is key to minimize the experience of loneliness. MOAI LABS is a European project that adopts a codesign process to develop digital solutions to address loneliness in older adults. This study aims to adopt a solution-based approach to capture solutions that community-dwelling older Portuguese adults who feel loneliness already experience in their lives.

Design/methodology/approach
Six individuals (aged 64–86 years) answered two solution-based questions: miracle and exceptions. Findings were obtained from one group discussion session that was audio-recorded, transcribed and submitted to qualitative analysis.

Findings
Main findings suggest that participants feel comfort in imagining their desired scenarios that involve being with their loved ones, better health conditions, adequate housing settings and contact with nature.

Originality/value
The findings highlight that leaving loneliness alone seems to be a path that may be facilitated by digital solutions that display solution-based questions, such as online platforms for social connection, virtual care and monitoring, design of smart home devices and the creation of immersive virtual reality experiences to explore nature, complemented by psychosocial support.

This article seeks to contribute to the study of political centralisation in Portugal under Salazar; focusing on the council of ministers and its decision-making role and exploring the links between the dictator and his ministers (1933-39). The authors discuss the centralist strategy of the dictator based on a quantitative and qualitative study of Antonio de Oliveira Salazar's diaries: detailed accounts of his routines, audiences, meetings and even telephone calls. Our conclusions indicate Salazar perceived his cabinet more as a crisis management committee, as meetings occurred irregularly and the agenda was considerably focused on internal and external crises and major international political events. The article also provides a more accurate notion of the main features of decision-making during the regime's institutionalisation by exploring Salazar's individual relations with his ministers and inner circle. As Salazarism is often compared to its Iberian counterpart, Francoism. important differences between the two regimes in this domain are noted. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

There are many differences in the discussions about the study of English in public schools. Listening to the students can be a good and democratic way of reaching consensus on methods, efficiency, focus on lessons and what results are expected. Thus, the general objective of this article is to study the role of learning English from the point of view of the students of a public school. Therefore, in this research, we present the opinions of the students collected through questionnaires applied with fifty students from eighth and ninth grades from a public school in Tubarão-SC. It is clear the importance the majority of these students give to the English language as a useful area of study for their lives, realizing that the school needs some adjustments and recognizing the need to study English out of school, in the future or concomitantly.

This article seeks to contribute to the study of political centralisation in Portugal under Salazar, focusing on the council of ministers and its decision-making role and exploring the links between the dictator and his ministers (193339). The authors discuss the centralist strategy
of the dictator based on a quantitative and qualitative study of Antnio de Oliveira Salazar's diaries: detailed accounts of his routines, audiences, meetings and even telephone calls. Our conclusions indicate Salazar perceived his cabinet more as a crisis management committee, as meetings
occurred irregularly and the agenda was considerably focused on internal and external crises and major international political events. The article also provides a more accurate notion of the main features of decision-making during the regime's institutionalisation by exploring Salazar's individual
relations with his ministers and inner circle. As Salazarism is often compared to its Iberian counterpart, Francoism, important differences between the two regimes in this domain are noted.