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What makes some cities successful in integrating immigrants while others fail? Using ethnographic observation, original survey data, and interviews conducted in New York, Paris, and Barcelona, Ernesto Castañeda compares the experiences of Latino and North African migrants and sets out to answer how different locations can aid or disrupt the process of "belonging" for its migrants

The oeuvre of Charles Tilly provides a helpful model of how to conduct social science. Nevertheless, most readers are familiar only with a subset of his works. Consequently, Tilly's contributions are often understood as being limited to a few hypotheses or statements, often cited out of context or in an over-simplified manner. This article aims to provide a more extensive overview of Tilly's work and its continued relevance. It introduces some of his key concepts, such as state formation, superior stories, relational realism, trust networks, categorical inequality, contentious politics, and democratization. This article makes a case for a broader application of these concepts in social sciences research, theorizing, and contemporary political analyses.

This article compares immigrant and ethnic organizations in four major immigrant-receiving cities and reveals substantial variation across these immigrant gateway cities. Using data from ethnographic fieldwork and an original database of relevant organizations in New York City; El Paso, Texas; Paris; and Barcelona, I find differences in organizational type and density, as well as in their legitimacy and funding. This article contributes to a growing literature on immigrant organizations. Although immigrant organizations have a long history in some cities, they may not always operate in ways that enhance refugee and migrant integration. Comparing immigrant organizations is fruitful because it tells us more about city and national political systems and why distinct localities deal with cultural minorities differently. These comparisons can help the readers to understand the barriers and ladders that immigrants encounter in different cities and inform policy-makers in designing better approaches to incorporate immigrants.

AbstractIn recent years, the reception of remittances by migrant‐sending countries has been quantified and well advertised. Many have predicted economic development based on the magnitude of these aggregate figures, leaving aside the fact that new family arrangements, emigration expectations, consumption patterns and demographic changes impact the prospects for development. This paper shows how remittances link distant locations economically, socially and culturally creating unique transnational dynamics that shape development at both ends. I use multi‐sited ethnographic work conducted over seven years in different places of migrant origin and destination. The paper challenges common assumptions regarding the developmental effect of remittances, by contrasting the hyper‐rational, atomistic and perfectly informed theoretical actors of the neoclassical account with the complex actors who make their decisions on the basis of imperfect information, and the values and meanings constructed within a transnational web of family and community ties.

Charles Tilly's work as a historical sociologist and on states, social change and other topics has had powerful influence across the social sciences and social history, also having a large popular audience. Themes and issues in his work over time are explored, in particular his developing thinking about national states, macro and micro processes, stories and social change.

Charles Tilly is a towering figure in the social sciences. His work has influenced generations of scholars across disciplines but younger generations may be less familiar with his work; this is a lost opportunity given the usefulness of his work. Much of Tilly's work on areas outside of state formation and social movements remains underutilized. Many research agendas can be strengthened by building on his work and testing his many fascinating theories and hypotheses. This paper discusses examples of the application of some of Tilly's works to contexts in Asia and the Middle East and North Africa, theory building, and contemporary issues by some scholars who were part of Tilly's last generation of students.

Marginalized populations, such as people experiencing homelessness and immigrants, are seen as among the most challenging populations to study, both methodologically and ethically. Although there are basic guidelines on how to conduct research with majority populations, the relative lack of published guidelines on how to conduct ethical and scientifically rigorous research with marginalized populations can make researchers apprehensive about seemingly unending questions from grant reviewers and institutional review boards (IRBs) concerning research ethics and the safety of human subjects. As a result, there is a persisting gap in research conducting large-scale studies on these populations outside of community organizations and clinical and institutional settings. We emphasize the calls of prior research to streamline IRB processes further to study vulnerable groups. In this paper, we focus on the study of people experiencing homelessness, yet we have used related methods to study immigrants, including those who may be undocumented. We provide guidelines derived from successful social scientific studies on homelessness and immigrants, which can be used to help ease IRB approval for other researchers to gather important data. The benefits of social science research on hard-to-reach populations often outweigh possible risk. By helping to increase research on hidden populations, we can improve the scientific rigor of all research and make important contributions to knowledge.