Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Presentation -- References -- Praise for Left-Wing Populism and Feminist Politics -- Contents -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction: Looking at the Relation Between Feminist Politics and Left-Wing Populism Through the Bolivian Case -- 1 Key Concepts -- 2 Open Discussions on Left-Wing Populism and Feminist Politics -- 2.1 Is There a Specific Relationship Between Populism and Feminist Politics? -- 2.2 Right-Wing Populism and Feminist Politics: An Essential Contradiction -- 2.3 The Complex Relationship Between Left-Wing Populism and Feminist Politics -- 3 Methodology -- 4 A Tool for Action -- 5 Evo Morales' Bolivia (2006-2018) -- 5.1 Evo Morales' Left-Wing Populist and Indigenist Government -- 5.2 Women's Organisations and Gender Equality Policies in Bolivia (2006-2018) -- References -- 2 Legislation on Violence Against Women in Politics, a Pioneer Policy on Gender Equality -- 1 Ongoing Debates on Violence Against Women in Politics and How to Tackle It -- 1.1 The Definition of "Violence Against Women in Politics" -- 1.2 The Role of Electoral Courts in Preventing and Addressing VAWP -- 1.3 The Responsibilities of Political Parties in the Struggle Against VAWP -- 1.4 Intersectionality in Legislation on VAWP -- 2 Legislative Efforts to Tackle Violence Against Women in Politics in Bolivia and Latin America -- 2.1 Bolivia: The Long Way Towards the 243 Law and Beyond -- 2.2 Latin America: First Steps -- 3 Key Features of the Bolivian Legislation on VAWP -- 3.1 A Wide and Detailed Definition of "Violence Against Women in Politics" -- 3.2 A Powerful Electoral Organ -- 3.3 Political Parties, Key Actors to Tackle VAWP -- 3.4 An Intersectional Legislation? -- 4 The Influence of the Bolivian Legislation on Subsequent Norms on VAWP in Latin America -- 4.1 Wide Definitions of VAWP -- 4.2 The Role of Electoral Organs.

This book investigates the relation between left-wing populism and feminist politics by analysing three specific aspects. First, whether left-wing populist parties promote gender equality policies, against charges of a general inconsistency between both political projects; Second, how do these parties form their policy-making coalitions in the field of gender equality; Third, how much impact on policy do women's movements have when left-wing populists are in power. The book is focused on the case of Bolivia during the first twelve years of Evo Morales's presidency. The empirical analysis is based on the qualitative content analysis of documents and semi-structured interviews with women's movements' activists, policy-makers and experts in women's movements. The central issue of the book is present throughout the volume, but each empirical chapter can be also read as a semi-autonomous analysis of a specific aspect of the relation between left-wing populism and feminist politics, which increases the interest of the book for different audiences including experts in gender and politics and feminist activists, specialists in Latin American politics, Indigenous politics and social movements. Pablo Castaño is Researcher in Politics and currently works at Barcelona's City Council.

Introduction. Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is a specific form of gender-based violence that is receiving growing attention from research, because it threatens the progress made in women's political representation. However, there are few works on how to design legislation against VAWP. Objectives. This article contributes to filling this gap by analysing how the Bolivian legislation influenced norms of VAWP drafted and passed by other countries and international organisations in Latin America, the country where more efforts of this kind have taken place – the 243/2012 Bolivian Law on Political Violence and Harassment against Women was the first law on VAWP in the world –. Methodology. The research draws on qualitative content analysis of the legislation and semi-structured interviews with Bolivian women's activists, officials and MPs. Results, conclusions and discussion. I argue that four specific features of the Bolivian legislation have had a major influence on other norms on VAWP: (i) a wide and detailed definition of VAWP; (ii) the attribution to the electoral organ of competences to prevent VAWP; (iii) the establishment of political parties' responsibilities; (iv) the (incomplete) adoption of an intersectional perspective.

Introduction. Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is a specific form of gender-based violence that is receiving growing attention from research, because it threatens the progress made in women's political representation. However, there are few works on how to design legislation against VAWP. Objectives. This article contributes to filling this gap by analysing how the Bolivian legislation influenced norms of VAWP drafted and passed by other countries and international organisations in Latin America, the country where more efforts of this kind have taken place – the 243/2012 Bolivian Law on Political Violence and Harassment against Women was the first law on VAWP in the world –. Methodology. The research draws on qualitative content analysis of the legislation and semi-structured interviews with Bolivian women's activists, officials and MPs. Results, conclusions and discussion. I argue that four specific features of the Bolivian legislation have had a major influence on other norms on VAWP: (i) a wide and detailed definition of VAWP; (ii) the attribution to the electoral organ of competences to prevent VAWP; (iii) the establishment of political parties' responsibilities; (iv) the (incomplete) adoption of an intersectional perspective. ; Introducción. La violencia contra las mujeres en política (VCMP) es una forma específica de violencia de género que está recibiendo una creciente atención por parte de la academia, ya que amenaza los progresos conseguidos en representación política de las mujeres. Sin embargo, existen pocas investigaciones sobre cómo diseñar la legislación contra la VCMP. Objetivos. Este artículo contribuye a colmar este vacío analizando cómo la legislación boliviana ha influido en normas sobre VCMP elaboradas o aprobadas por otros países y organizaciones internacionales en América Latina, el continente donde se han producido más esfuerzos de este tipo – la Ley boliviana 243/2012 contra el Acoso y Violencia Política hacia las Mujeres es la primera ley sobre VCMP en el mundo. Metodología. La investigación se basa en análisis cualitativo del contenido de legislación y entrevistas semi-estructuradas con mujeres activistas, representantes del gobierno y diputadas bolivianas. Resultados, conclusiones y discusión. Argumento que cuatro características específicas de la legislación boliviana han tenido una influencia destacada en otras normas sobre VCMP: (i) una definición amplia y detallada de violencia, (ii) la atribución al órgano electoral de competencias para prevenir la VCMP, (iii) el establecimiento de responsabilidades de los partidos políticos y (iv) la adopción (incompleta) de una perspectiva interseccional.

This present article investigates the processes of elaboration of gender equality policies under populist governments, focusing on the paradigmatic case of MAS government in Bolivia. Through interviews and documental analysis, the article examines how MAS applied its conceptions of "people" and "elite" to the women's organizations that intervened in policy-making processes in the field of gender equality, accusing feminist NGOs of being part of "the elite" and praising indigenous women's social organizations as representatives of "the people". However, the government included feminist NGOs in the policy-making processes; which shows the existence of a contradiction between the anti-elite populist discourse and pragmatism in policy-making. ; Este artículo investiga los procesos de elaboración de las políticas de igualdad de género bajo Gobiernos populistas, centrándose en el caso paradigmático del Gobierno del MAS en Bolivia. A través de entrevistas y análisis documental, se examina cómo el MAS aplicó sus concepciones depuebloyélitea las organizaciones de mujeres que intervinieron en procesos de elaboración de políticas de igualdad de género, acusando a las ONG feministas de ser parte de laélitey alabando las organizaciones sociales de mujeres indígenas como representantes delpueblo.Sin embargo, el Gobierno incluyó a las ONG feministas en los procesos de elaboración de políticas, lo que muestra una contradicción entre el discurso populista antiélite y el pragmatismo en la elaboración de políticas.

La relació entre el populisme i la política feminista està rebent cada vegada més atenció científica, principalment a causa de l'ascens que experimenten els partits populistes a l'Amèrica Llatina i a Europa des de principis del segle XXI. No obstant això, aquesta literatura presenta dues grans febleses. Primer, fins ara no ha aconseguit establir una relació específica entre populisme i política feminista. Segon, la literatura s'ha centrat de manera desproporcionada en els partits populistes d'extrema dreta, fet que ha introduït un desequilibri en aquesta línia de recerca - la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista ha estat poc estudiada. La present tesi contribueix a omplir aquest buit analitzant la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista, centrant-se en el cas paradigmàtic del Moviment al Socialisme (MAS) i el govern d'Evo Morales a Bolívia entre 2006 i 2018. Algunes de les investigacions més influents sobre populisme i política feminista sostenen que tots dos projectes polítics són essencialment incompatibles: d'acord amb aquesta literatura, els partits populistes mai promouen polítiques en favor de la igualtat de gènere ni mantenen bones relacions amb moviments de dones, al marge que siguin populistes d'esquerra o d'extrema dreta. En aquesta tesi, qüestiono aquesta afirmació analitzant tres aspectes específics de la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista. Primer, investigo si els partits populistes d'esquerra promouen polítiques en favor de la igualtat de gènere, qüestionant la idea d'una incompatibilitat general entre la ideologia populista i la promoció de polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere. En segon lloc, analitzo com aquests partits formen les seves coalicions per elaborar polítiques en l'àmbit de la igualtat de gènere. En tercer lloc, investigo quant impacte tenen els moviments de dones institucionalitzats en les polítiques públiques quan els populistes d'esquerra estan en el poder. L'anàlisi empírica realitzada en aquesta tesi està basada en ...

Los partidos populistas de izquierda han adquirido una creciente relevancia política en Europa desde la crisis económica de 2008, pero han sido menos estudiados que los partidos populistas de derecha radical. La presente investigación contribuye a colmar este vacío al realizar una comparación entre Podemos y FI, dos casos paradigmáticos de partidos populistas de izquierda. Se analizan dos dimensiones: el discurso y la organización interna de ambos partidos. El artículo se basa en el análisis cualitativo del contenido de documentos programáticos y organizativos publicados por ambos partidos e intervenciones públicas de sus líderes durante la etapa de surgimiento y consolidación de cada partido. El análisis permite alcanzar dos conclusiones. Primera: Podemos y FI tienen un discurso inclusivo en las dimensiones simbólica, material y política (Mudde y Rovira Kaltwasser, 2013) -lo que los distingue de la derecha radical populista-. Segunda: cada partido tiene una estructura diferente, lo que sugiere que el populismo de izquierda no implica un modelo organizativo determinado. ; Left-wing populist parties have become increasingly central to European politics since the 2008 economic crisis, but have been analysed less often than radical right-wing populist parties. This research contributes to filling this gap through a comparison of Podemos and France Insoumise, two paradigmatic cases of left-wing populist parties. Two dimensions are analysed: the discourse and the inner organisa-tion of the parties. The article is based on qualitative content analysis of policy and organisational documents published by both parties, and on public interventions made by their respective leaders during the periods of emergence and consolidation of each party. The analysis allows us to reach two conclusions. First, Podemos and France Insoumise both promote discourses that are inclusive in their symbolic, mate-rial and political dimensions (Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser, 2013) - which allows us to distinguish them from the radical populist right. Second, the two parties have different structures, which suggests that left-wing populism does not necessarily imply a specific organisational model.

Several authors have analysed how institutionalized women's movements impact policy, but research has devoted little attention to the differentiated impact of institutionalized movements on the substantive and symbolic dimensions of the same policy. I investigate this issue by focusing on the Bolivian movement of domestic workers, a paradigmatic case of an institutionalized women's movement that had a sound impact on the symbolic dimension of the policy on domestic workers' rights but a much weaker impact on its substantive dimension. The research is based on qualitative content analysis of documents produced by the movement and the government, and semi-structured interviews with key actors. I have reached three main findings. First, institutionalization facilitates the achievement of symbolic policy outcomes, but does not necessarily allow the achievement of substantive policy outcomes. Second, the inclusion of movements in deliberative processes that imply the joint elaboration of policy seems to be the form of institutionalization that allows the strongest impact on the substantive dimension of policy, while the appointment of movement members to official positions is less effective. Third, a form of institutionalization that was not included in existent typologies has been identified: the recognition of the importance of a movement by the government.

Several authors have analysed how institutionalized women's movements impact policy, but research has devoted little attention to the differentiated impact of institutionalized movements on the substantive and symbolic dimensions of the same policy. I investigate this issue by focusing on the Bolivian movement of domestic workers, a paradigmatic case of an institutionalized women's movement that had a sound impact on the symbolic dimension of the policy on domestic workers' rights but a much weaker impact on its substantive dimension. The research is based on qualitative content analysis of documents produced by the movement and the government, and semi-structured interviews with key actors. I have reached three main findings. First, institutionalization facilitates the achievement of symbolic policy outcomes, but does not necessarily allow the achievement of substantive policy outcomes. Second, the inclusion of movements in deliberative processes that imply the joint elaboration of policy seems to be the form of institutionalization that allows the strongest impact on the substantive dimension of policy, while the appointment of movement members to official positions is less effective. Third, a form of institutionalization that was not included in existent typologies has been identified: the recognition of the importance of a movement by the government.

Inspirés par les gouvernements progressistes en Amérique latine, les fondateurs de Podemos et de la France insoumise ont choisi le populisme de gauche comme voie pour proposer une alternative électorale à la dictature de l'austérité en Espagne et en France. Cet article propose une analyse comparée des discours et de la stratégie communicationnelle des deux partis. L'étude montre comment le populisme de gauche est réapproprié selon des modalités différentes en fonction des contextes nationaux, notamment l'histoire et la culture politique du pays et le passé des leaders.

Discussions on the relation between populism and democracy have become growingly frequent in the literature. Some authors consider that there is a virtuous relation between both phenomena, while others define the relation between populism and democracy as ambiguous, and a third stream views populism as a threat for democracy. In this article I review three books that are paradigmatic examples of the mentioned currents, and I support the following position: populism is compatible with democracy, and it reinforces its participatory dimension, but it presents certain tensions with political pluralism. In addition, the analysis performed in the present article suggests that the relation between populism and democracy takes specific forms in each case, and systematic comparative research on populist and non-populist actors is needed to better identify the distinctive features of populism. ; Los debates sobre la relación entre populismo y democracia son cada vez más frecuentes en la literatura. Ciertos autores consideran que existe una relación virtuosa entre ambos fenómenos, mientras otros definen la relación entre populismo y democracia como ambigua, y una tercera corriente ve el populismo como una amenaza para la democracia. En este artículo analizo tres libros que son ejemplos paradigmáticos de las mencionadas corrientes y sostengo la siguiente postura: el populismo es compatible con la democracia y refuerza su dimensión participativa, pero el populismo presenta ciertas tensiones con el pluralismo político. Además, el análisis realizado en el presente artículo sugiere que la relación entre populismo y democracia adopta formas específicas en cada caso, y se necesita investigación comparada sistemática sobre actores populistas y no populistas para identificar mejor las características distintivas del populismo.

Discussions on the relation between populism and democracy have become growingly frequent in the literature. Some authors consider that there is a virtuous relation between both phenomena, while others define the relation between populism and democracy as ambiguous, and a third stream views populism as a threat for democracy. In this article I review three books that are paradigmatic examples of the mentioned currents, and I support the following position: populism is compatible with democracy, and it reinforces its participatory dimension, but it presents certain tensions with political pluralism. In addition, the analysis performed in the present article suggests that the relation between populism and democracy takes specific forms in each case, and systematic comparative research on populist and non-populist actors is needed to better identify the distinctive features of populism. ; Los debates sobre la relación entre populismo y democracia son cada vez más frecuentes en la literatura. Ciertos autores consideran que existe una relación virtuosa entre ambos fenómenos, mientras otros definen la relación entre populismo y democracia como ambigua, y una tercera corriente ve el populismo como una amenaza para la democracia. En este artículo analizo tres libros que son ejemplos paradigmáticos de las mencionadas corrientes y sostengo la siguiente postura: el populismo es compatible con la democracia y refuerza su dimensión participativa, pero el populismo presenta ciertas tensiones con el pluralismo político. Además, el análisis realizado en el presente artículo sugiere que la relación entre populismo y democracia adopta formas específicas en cada caso, y se necesita investigación comparada sistemática sobre actores populistas y no populistas para identificar mejor las características distintivas del populismo.

[EN] The Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport referred to in their action plans various measures to promote innovation in vocational training education, in line with the guidelines set by the European Parliament on "Europe 2020 strategy". In particular, the call for aid to projects of Innovation and Knowledge Transfer in vocational education system supports, among others, projects that facilitate the realization of innovative experiences between VET institutions, enterprises and entities, and projects that encourage entrepreneurial values of people, providing the framework, standards, and accompanying support needed to ensure their success. The Instituto de Biomecánica de Valencia (IBV) is actively involved in the projects SiempreFP and ComunicaFP supported by this announcement, providing technical expertise in people-driven innovation techniques. ; [ES] El Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte considera en sus planes de acción distintas medidas para propiciar la innovación en las Enseñanzas de Formación Profesional, en línea con las directrices marcadas por el Parlamento Europeo en la «Estrategia Europa 2020». En particular, la convocatoria de ayudas destinadas a la realización de proyectos de Innovación y Transferencia del Conocimiento en la formación profesional del sistema educativo apoya, entre otros tipos, proyectos que faciliten la realización de experiencias innovadoras entre centros de FP, empresas y entidades, y proyectos que estimulen los valores emprendedores de las personas, aportando el marco, las normas, el soporte y el acompañamiento necesarios para asegurar el éxito de los mismos. El Instituto de Biomecánica de Valencia (IBV) participa activamente en los proyectos ComunicaFP y SiempreFP apoyados por esta convocatoria, aportando su experiencia en técnicas de innovación orientada por las personas. ; A la Dirección General de Formación Profesional del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte. Proyecto cofinanciado por el Fondo Social Europeo ; Pagan Castaño, P.; Guerrero Alonso, MA.; ...