Suchergebnisse

A major international conference in January 2019, hosted by Oxford Brookes University and supported by the British Academy, Kings College London and the Economic History Society, sought to shine a light on corruption in nineteenth and early twentieth century Britain – and what we can learn today in the fight against corruption. A final panel of experts reflected on present challenges and what might be learned from the past. The panel included Robert Barrington, (Executive Director of Transparency International, UK); Rosemary Carter (Ofqual); Anneliese Dodds (Oxford East MP); Andrew Feinstein (Founding Director of Corruption Watch); and Oonagh Gay (Senior Researcher in the Parliament and Constitution Centre). As the panellists concluded, although significant progress had been made over the course of centuries, corruption remained a significant problem. They assessed that it was not just that corruption continued to be practised by unscrupulous officials, ministers, MPs and businessmen, but that the very suspicion that those who hold public office were corrupt, served to undermine public trust in democratic governance, which itself was hugely damaging. ; A transcript of a plenary discussion, held during the British Academy funded conference 'From "Old Corruption" to the New Corruption? Public Life and Public Service in Britain, c.1780-1940

AbstractDespite the impact of the Representation of the People Act of 1918 on the political culture of the west midland region in the interwar years, the elements of continuity in the politics of the region are striking. The Labour Party failed to dislodge the Unionists' political control in the region (with the exception of the Black Country) for most of the 1920s and 1930s, notwithstanding the presence of a significant industrial working‐class population in the bulk of the region's constituencies. The essay argues that the lack of a significant redistribution of seats in the region, in spite of wartime growth in all urban areas, enabled the well‐organised and well‐funded Unionist organisations controlled by Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain to adapt their cross‐class, non‐denominational message to appeal to the newly‐enlarged electorate. Although the Labour Party appeared on the brink of a breakthrough in the west midlands, owing to this 'franchise factor', the Unionists adapted better to the new age of mass communications and political sloganeering which replaced the Edwardian politics of confrontation and public meetings. The Representation of the People Act of 1918 may have changed the political culture of elections in Britain, but, in the west midlands at least, it did not alter the Unionists' ability to manage the outcomes of the elections.

Despite the impact of the Representation of the People Act (1918) on the political culture of the west midland region in the inter-war years, the elements of continuity in the politics of the region are striking. The Labour Party failed to dislodge the Unionists' political control in the region (with the exception of the Black Country) for most of the 1920s and 1930s, despite the presence of a significant industrial working class population in the bulk of the region's constituencies. The article argues that the lack of significant redistribution of seats in the region, despite wartime growth in all urban areas, enabled the well-organised and well-funded Unionist organisations controlled by Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain to adapt the cross-class, non-denominational message to appeal to the newly enlarged electorate. Although the Labour Party appeared on the brink of a breakthrough in the west midlands, owing to this 'franchise factor', the Unionists adapted better to the new age of mass communications and political sloganeering which replaced the Edwardian politics of confrontation and public meetings. The Representation of the People Act of 1918 may have changed the political culture of elections in Britain, but, in the west midlands at least, it did not alter the Unionists' ability to manage the outcomes of the elections.

The career of Joseph Chamberlain continues to fascinate historians of Empire, British politics and Midland identity. This volume is the first attempt to create a multi-faceted study of his unique and innovative career, which left the two major political parties of the age shattered and British politics transformed

The career of Joseph Chamberlain continues to fascinate historians of Empire, British politics and Midland identity. This volume is the first attempt to create a multi-faceted study of his unique and innovative career, which left the two major political parties of the age shattered and British politics transformed