Suchergebnisse

The drug war in Mexico has caused some U.S. analysts to view Mexico as a failed or failing state. While these fears are exaggerated, the problems of widespread crime and violence, government corruption, and inadequate access to justice pose grave challenges for the Mexican state. The Obama administration has therefore affirmed its commitment to assist Mexico through continued bilateral collaboration, funding for judicial and security sector reform, and building "resilient communities." The author analyzes the drug war in Mexico, explores Mexico's capacities and limitations, examines the factors that have undermined effective state performance, assesses the prospects for U.S. support to strengthen critical state institutions, and offers recommendations for reducing the potential of state failure. He argues that the United States should help Mexico address its pressing crime and corruption problems by going beyond traditional programs to strengthen the country's judicial and security sector capacity and help it build stronger political institutions, a more robust economy, and a thriving civil society.

If past experience is any guide, the United States and China will find themselves embroiled in a serious crisis at some point in the future. With the goal of encouraging a broader assessment of potential sources of friction in U.S-China relations and how they might be mitigated, the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) embarked on this study. Following the introductory overview of the principal issues that could put the United States and China on a collision course, CFR fellows discuss three countries on China's periphery, North Korea, Myanmar, and Pakistan, as well as the collection of Central Asia states. Each paper considers current sources of instability, potential crisis triggers, U.S. and Chinese interests, where they converge and diverge, and policy options for preventing a major crisis and mitigating the consequences.

"Record numbers of peacekeepers are currently deployed in Africa. They undertake critical missions, including stabilizing countries wracked by violence, protecting civilians, facilitating humanitarian assistance, degrading illegal armed groups, running elections, and supporting public security and the rule of law. When deployed in the right circumstances, peace operations have a good track record of facilitating transitions from war to peace as they did in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Namibia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Cambodia, East Timor, and Bosnia. Evidence is strong that peace operations help protect civilians. Successive U.S. administrations have concluded that such operations serve American interests and national security, are cost-effective, and generate greater legitimacy than U.S. missions carried out alone. In Africa specifically, peace operations promote two of Washington's principal objectives: advancing peace and security and strengthening democratic institutions"--Introduction

"Violent crime in Central America -- particularly in the "northern triangle" of Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala -- is reaching breathtaking levels. Murder rates in the region are among the highest in the world. To a certain extent, Central America's predicament is one of geography -- it is sandwiched between some of the world's largest drug producers in South America and the world's largest consumer of illegal drugs, the United States. The region is awash in weapons and gunmen, and high rates of poverty ensure substantial numbers of willing recruits for organized crime syndicates. Weak, underfunded, and sometimes corrupt governments struggle to keep up with the challenge. Though the United States has offered substantial aid to Central American efforts to address criminal violence, it also contributes to the problem through its high levels of drug consumption, relatively relaxed gun control laws, and deportation policies that have sent home more than a million illegal migrants with violent records. This report assesses the causes and consequences of the violence faced by several Central American countries and examines the national, regional, and international efforts intended to curb its worst effects"--Page vii.

The unipolar moment, to the extent it ever existed, has now truly passed. The United States is part of a globalized world, in which the flows of goods, finance, people, and much more connect us to other countries as never before. But for all the myriad benefits globalization brings, it also means that the challenges of the coming decades -- be they generated by resource competition, climate change, cybercrime, terrorism, or classic competition and rivalry -- cannot be solved or even mitigated by one country alone. Countries will need to cooperate on policies that extend across borders to address issues that affect them all. In this report, the authors argue that the United States should increasingly look to international institutions -- the United Nations and regional organizations like the European Union, the African Union, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations -- as partners in conflict prevention and peacemaking worldwide. These organizations can serve as a platform for developing and enforcing international norms; provide a source of legitimacy for diplomatic and military efforts; and aggregate the operational resources of their members, all of which can increase the ease and effectiveness of American peacemaking efforts.

"Even among failed states-- those countries unable to exercise authority over their territory and provide the most basic services to their people-- Somalia stands apart. A country of some nine million, it has lacked a central government since the fall of Mohamed Siad Barre's regime in 1991. Poverty and insecurity are endemic. Less than 40 percent of Somalis are literate, more than one in ten children dies before turning five, and a person born in Somalia today cannot assume with any confidence that he or she will reach the age of fifty. Failed states provide fertile ground for terrorism, drug trafficking, and a host of other ills that threaten to spill beyond their borders. Somalia is thus a problem not just for Somalis but for the United States and the world. In particular, the specter of Somalia's providing a sanctuary for al-Qaeda has become an important concern, and piracy off Somalia's coast, which affects vital international shipping lanes, remains a menace. In this report, Bronwyn E. Bruton proposes a strategy to combat terrorism and promote development and stability in Somalia. She first outlines the recent political history involving the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) formed in 2004 and its Islamist opponents, chiefly the Shabaab, which has declared allegiance to al-Qaeda. She then analyzes U.S. interests in the country, including counterterrorism, piracy, and humanitarian concerns, as well as the prospect of broader regional instability."--Page vii

"A growing body of research suggests that standard peace and security processes routinely overlook a critical strategy that could reduce conflict and advance stability: the inclusion of women. Evidence indicates that women's participation in conflict prevention and resolution advances security interests. One study found that substantial inclusion of women and civil society groups in a peace negotiation makes the resulting agreement 64 percent less likely to fail and, according to another study, 35 percent more likely to last at least fifteen years. Several analyses suggest also that higher levels of gender equality are associated with a lower propensity for conflict, both between and within states ... Given the rising number of security threats and growing evidence that women's participation in peace and security processes improves stability, women's inclusion merits a higher place on the U.S. foreign policy agenda. While the U.S. government has advanced a comprehensive framework to promote the role of women in security under successive Republican and Democratic administrations, more action is needed to realize its promise. The next U.S. administration should require women's representation and meaningful participation in conflict resolution and post-conflict processes, increase investment in efforts that promote women's inclusion, reform U.S. diplomatic and security practices to incorporate the experiences of women in conflict-affected countries, improve staffing and coordination to deliver on government commitments, strengthen training on incorporating women in security efforts, and promote accountability. These steps will help the United States respond effectively to security threats around the world, improve the sustainability of peace agreements, and advance U.S. interests"--Introduction