Suchergebnisse

TikTok is without any doubt the most successful social network among Gen Zers and, consequently, is increasingly becoming their preferred place to discuss, share opinions, rally around social issues, and express political alignments. Accordingly, both politicians and political parties around the world are joining the platform to connect with young voters: previous exploratory studies, however, have shown that most political actors struggle to adapt to the platform's affordances, appearing cringy, out of touch, or simply using TikTok as an «old medium», without utilizing it to enhance interaction with citizens.
This article contributes to the emerging stream of literature looking at the political uses of this platform in electoral campaigns by studying its application in a local election, focusing on how Ada Colau, candidate mayor for the 2023 Barcelona Municipal elections, has integrated TikTok in her communication strategy.
Applying an affordance-based multimodal content analysis of all the tiktoks posted during the campaign, the paper discloses that, although not fully exploiting the platform's affordances –in particular its participatory potential– the candidate optimally adapts to its vernaculars and cultural environment, constructing a highly recognizable personal style, which seems to borrow and implement the marketing techniques used by influencers and internet celebrities. Therefore, the study concludes that Ada Colau can be considered an example of a new category of celebrity politician, the «influencer-politician», suggesting that future research should dig deeper into this novel dynamic of hybridization and cross-pollination between politics and digital cultures.

Exclusionary populism is well known for twisting real grievances of the citizens, by problematizing the gap between "us" and "them", capitalizing on identity lines, calling out as "others" those who do not share "pure people's" identity and culture. Especially after 9/11, Muslims have become the ideal-type of "other", making Islamophobia the primary populist anti-paradigm. This article contributes to the burgeoning literature on Islamophobic populism analyzing the presence of Islamophobia in the electoral discourse of Vox party in Spain and Lega in Italy. In addition, it makes a novel contribution by discussing and testing the existence of different models of Islamophobia, distinguishing between "banal Islamophobia" and "ontological Islamophobia". Applying clause-based semantic text analysis-including qualitative and quantitative variables-to thirty speeches by the two party leaders, Santiago Abascal and Matteo Salvini, during the last three elections (General, Regional and European), the paper concludes that, despite the similarities, the two politician display two different models of Islamophobia. Whereas Abascal displays a clear "ontological Islamophobia", depicting Muslims ontologically incompatible with Spanish civilization (defined precisely by its anti-Muslim history), the latter presents a mix of arguments that oscillate between "ontological" and "banal" Islamophobia.

The ankle analyzes the media treatment of two sex scandals: the "Stormy Daniels scandal; which involved the current US President Donald Trump in 2018 and the "Ruby scandal; which involved Silvio Berlusconi in 2010, while he was Italy's Prime Minister. By combining both quantitative and qualitative methodologies the aim is to discover whether the media treatment is different, as we can expect since the two countries belong to two different media systems, or if, following the theory of Americanization of political communication, the Italian media will tend to emulate the American model. Furthermore, another aim of this study is to detect whether a shift towards a more Polarized Pluralist model can be identified in the USA, as some authors have started foreseeing. The results will show that both countries' media behave coherently with the traditional feature of their media system, the Polarized Pluralist and the Liberal.

The article analyzes the media treatment of two sex scandals: the "Stormy Daniels scandal", which involved the current US President Donald Trump in 2018 and the "Ruby scandal", which involved Silvio Berlusconi in 2010, while he was Italy's Prime Minister. By combining both quantitative and qualitative methodologies the aim is to discover whether the media treatment is different, as we can expect since the two countries belong to two different media systems, or if, following the theory of Americanization of political communication, the Italian media will tend to emulate the American model. Furthermore, another aim of this study is to detect whether a shift towards a more Polarized Pluralist model can be identified in the USA, as some authors have started foreseeing. The results will show that both countries' media behave coherently with the traditional feature of their media system, the Polarized Pluralist and the Liberal. ; Ovaj rad analizira medijski tretman dvaju seks-skandala: skandala "Stormy Daniels" iz 2018. u koji je bio uključen sadašnji predsjednik SAD-a Donald Trump i skandala "Ruby" u kojem je sudjelovao Silvio Berlusconi 2010. dok je bio talijanski premijer. U radu se koriste kvantitativne i kvalitativne metode, a cilj je otkriti je li medijski tretman navedenih događaja drukčiji, što očekujemo s obzirom na to da dvije zemlje pripadaju dvama različitim medijskim sustavima, te može li se očekivati, na tragu teorije amerikanizacije političke komunikacije, da bi talijanski mediji mogli biti skloni imitiranju američkog modela. Nadalje, drugi cilj ove studije jest otkriti može li se zaokret prema tzv. polariziranom pluralističkom (talijanskom) modelu pronaći u SAD-u, kako su pojedini autori počeli predviđati. Rezultati su pokazali da se mediji u obje zemlje drže svojih tradicionalnih načina tretiranja događaja koji zanimaju javnost.

The politicization of immigration has moved the debate about immigration at the center of the run-up of elections, creating the breeding ground for the electoral breakthrough and success of right-wing populist parties.
This article aims at disclosing the narrative of immigration and its politicization in VOX's discourse, comparing it to the Italian Lega party.
Clause-based semantic text analysis reveals that both parties share the classic characteristics of nativist populism: the representation of a virtuous and hardworking people, threatened by the invasion by some "others", immigrants, who intrude the sovereign, antispace of natives to exploit and commit crimes. In both cases, the concept of space is manipulated, representing countries as limited spaces, allowing to depict immigrants as a threat to legitimize negative political responses.
The study also identifies a novelty: the construction of the rescue NGOs as the new antagonist actor.

The politicization of immigration has moved the debate about immigration at the center of the run-up of elections, creating the breeding ground for the electoral breakthrough and success of right-wing populist parties. This article aims at disclosing the narrative of immigration and its politicization in VOX's discourse, comparing it to the Italian Lega party. Clause-based semantic text analysis reveals that both parties share the classic characteristics of nativist populism: the representation of a virtuous and hardworking people, threatened by the invasion by some "others", immigrants, who intrude the sovereign, antispace of natives to exploit and commit crimes. In both cases, the concept of space is manipulated, representing countries as limited spaces, allowing to depict immigrants as a threat to legitimize negative political responses. The study also identifies a novelty: the construction of the rescue NGOs as the new antagonist actor. ; La politización de la inmigración ha llevado el tema la inmigración al centro del debate político-electoral, creando el caldo de cultivo para el éxito de los partidos populistas de derecha. Este artículo tiene como objetivo estudiar la narrativa de la inmigración y su politización en el discurso de VOX, comparándola con el partido italiano Lega. El análisis revela que ambos partidos comparten las características clásicas del populismo nativista: la representación de un pueblo virtuoso y trabajador, amenazado por la invasión de algunos "otros", los inmigrantes, que se entran en el espacio soberano de los nativos para explotar y cometer crímenes. En ambos casos, se manipula el concepto de espacio, representando a los países como espacios limitados y a los inmigrantes como una amenaza, para legitimar las respuestas políticas negativas. El estudio también identifica una novedad: la construcción de las ONG de rescate como el nuevo actor antagonista.

The politicization of immigration has moved the debate about immigration at the center of the run-up of elections, creating the breeding ground for the electoral breakthrough and success of right-wing populist parties. This article aims at disclosing the narrative of immigration and its politicization in VOX's discourse, comparing it to the Italian Lega party. Clause-based semantic text analysis reveals that both parties share the classic characteristics of nativist populism: the representation of a virtuous and hardworking people, threatened by the invasion by some "others", immigrants, who intrude the sovereign, antispace of natives to exploit and commit crimes. In both cases, the concept of space is manipulated, representing countries as limited spaces, allowing to depict immigrants as a threat to legitimize negative political responses. The study also identifies a novelty: the construction of the rescue NGOs as the new antagonist actor. ; La politización de la inmigración ha llevado el tema la inmigración al centro del debate político-electoral, creando el caldo de cultivo para el éxito de los partidos populistas de derecha. Este artículo tiene como objetivo estudiar la narrativa de la inmigración y su politización en el discurso de VOX, comparándola con el partido italiano Lega. El análisis revela que ambos partidos comparten las características clásicas del populismo nativista: la representación de un pueblo virtuoso y trabajador, amenazado por la invasión de algunos "otros", los inmigrantes, que se entran en el espacio soberano de los nativos para explotar y cometer crímenes. En ambos casos, se manipula el concepto de espacio, representando a los países como espacios limitados y a los inmigrantes como una amenaza, para legitimar las respuestas políticas negativas. El estudio también identifica una novedad: la construcción de las ONG de rescate como el nuevo actor antagonista.

Las campañas electorales en Estados Unidos ocurren en Internet. Pero, ¿qué sucede en otros países? Algunos autores hablan de una americanización de la política. El objetivo de nuestra investigación es determinar si en España experimentamos este fenómeno. Por tanto, vamos a analizar cómo usaron Internet durante la campaña electoral los principales candidatos a las elecciones españolas de diciembre de 2015. La conclusión es que los candidatos españoles usan las redes sociales para promover su figura pública pero aún no se concentran en deliberar con los simpatizantes y tampoco promueven la participación de una forma efectiva.

The US political campaigning is moving to the Internet. But what is happening in the other countries? Many authors are speaking of an "Americanization" of politics. The aim of our paper is to understand whether in Spain we are experiencing this phenomenon. Thus we are going to observe how the main candidates used the Internet during the election campaign for the general elections of December of 2015. Spanish candidates start using social network in order to promote their public figure, but still they don't reach any notable level of interaction and they do not effectively promote participation. ; Las campañas electorales en Estados Unidos ocurren en Internet. Pero, ¿qué sucede en otros países? Algunos autores hablan de una americanización de la política. El objetivo de nuestra investigación es determinar si en España experimentamos este fenómeno. Por tanto, vamos a analizar cómo usaron Internet durante la campaña electoral los principales candidatos a las elecciones españolas de diciembre de 2015. La conclusión es que los candidatos españoles usan las redes sociales para promover su figura pública pero aún no se concentran en deliberar con los simpatizantes y tampoco promueven la participación de una forma efectiva.

TikTok, already widely used before the pandemic, boomed during the quarantine that locked down large parts of the world, reaching 2 billion downloads and 800 million monthly active users worldwide by the end of 2020. Of these 800 million users, 41% are aged between 16 and 24 years. This social network, widely known for its entertainment videos, is increasingly becoming a place for political discussion and therefore a unique opportunity for political actors to (re)connect with young people. Acknowledging that the political uses of TikTok are still understudied, this paper aims to explore whether and how Spanish political parties are including TikTok as part of their communication strategy. Through an affordance-centered content analysis of all the posts published by the five most important Spanish political parties (PP, PSOE, Ciudadanos, Podemos, and Vox), the current results show that, although all Spanish political parties have adopted this platform, their usage is unequal. From a quantitative perspective, PP was the first party to open a TikTok account, but its usage has been discontinuous; Podemos and Ciudadanos are the parties that publish the most and most constantly, while Vox has only published nine posts and the PSOE one. Nonetheless, from a qualitative perspective, Podemos and Vox generate more engagement and seem to understand and exploit TikTok's specific affordances better. The findings allow it to be concluded that, although globally Spanish political parties do not fully exploit the platform's affordances and tend to use it as a unilateral tool for promotion, the most engaging posts are those favoring interaction and geared toward politainment.

¿Los candidatos usan Twitter para relacionarse más directamente con el electorado? En esta investigación nos preguntamos sobre el uso cuantitativo y cualitativo de esta red por parte de los principales candidatos durante las campañas electorales españolas de 2011 y 2015. Nos planteamos si existe una brecha digital entre los candidatos de la "vieja" y "nueva" política. Cuantitativamente analizamos los tuits, retuits, respuestas, seguidores y personas a quienes siguen, y los "me gusta" de los candidatos. Cualitativamente valoramos el uso informativo, deliberativo y de participación. Los resultados demuestran que no existe dicha brecha digital y que, de hecho, los candidatos estuvieron lejos de proponer estrategias innovadoras de comunicación más directa con los electores.

Do candidates use Twitter to communicate more directly with their electorate? In this investigation, we question the quantitative and qualitative way in which this social network was used by the main candidates during the Spanish electoral campaigns of 2011 and 2015. The aim is to establish whether there is a digital gap between the candidates of the "old" and "new" politics. Quantitatively, we analysed tweets, retweets, replies, followers/followings, and "likes". Qualitatively, we analysed the informative, deliberative and participative way in which candidates used this network. The results show that there is no digital gap, and that candidates were far from proposing innovative strategies for establishing more direct communi- cation with voters. ; ¿Los candidatos usan Twitter para relacionarse más directamente con el electorado? En esta investigación nos preguntamos sobre el uso cuantitativo y cualitativo de esta red por parte de los principales candidatos durante las campañas electorales españolas de 2011 y 2015. Nos planteamos si existe una brecha digital entre los candidatos de la "vieja" y "nueva" política. Cuantitativamente analizamos los tuits, retuits, respuestas, seguidores y personas a quienes siguen, y los "me gusta" de los candidatos. Cualitativamente valoramos el uso informativo, deliberativo y de participación. Los resultados demuestran que no existe dicha brecha digital y que, de hecho, los candidatos estuvieron lejos de proponer estrategias innovadoras de comunicación más directa con los electores.

¿Los candidatos usan Twitter para relacionarse más directamente con el electorado? En esta investigación nos preguntamos sobre el uso cuantitativo y cualitativo de esta red por parte de los principales candidatos durante las campañas electorales españolas de 2011 y 2015. Nos planteamos si existe una brecha digital entre los candidatos de la "vieja" y "nueva" política. Cuantitativamente analizamos los tuits, retuits, respuestas, seguidores y personas a quienes siguen, y los "me gusta" de los candidatos. Cualitativamente valoramos el uso informativo, deliberativo y de participación. Los resultados demuestran que no existe dicha brecha digital y que, de hecho, los candidatos estuvieron lejos de proponer estrategias innovadoras de comunicación más directa con los electores. ; Do candidates use Twitter to communicate more directly with their electorate? In this investigation, we question the quantitative and qualitative way in which this social network was used by the main candidates during the Spanish electoral campaigns of 2011 and 2015. The aim is to establish whether there is a digital gap between the candidates of the "old" and "new" politics. Quantitatively, we analysed tweets, retweets, replies, followers/followings, and "likes". Qualitatively, we analysed the informative, deliberative and participative way in which candidates used this network. The results show that there is no digital gap, and that candidates were far from proposing innovative strategies for establishing more direct communication with voters.

El artículo presenta los resultados de un estudio descriptivo que analiza 12 planes de estudios sobre Comunicación y Periodismo de las 8 universidades más prestigiosas del mundo en el ámbito de la Comunicación, según el Índice QS World University. Metodología: Bajo una perspectiva metodológica cuantitativa y cualitativa, el trabajo analiza los objetivos, las competencias, las áreas temáticas, el tipo de asignaturas y la distribución en el currículo académico a partir del estudio de los planes de estudio y de un total de 542 asignaturas. Se identifican buenas prácticas y se señalan tendencias en el diseño curricular de los planes de estudio. Resultados y conclusiones: El estudio permite señalar que las universidades apuestan por planes de estudios con un predominio de asignaturas optativas que garanticen una formación humanista de base para el alumno. El estudiante se convierte en el responsable de definir gran parte de su itinerario formativo.