Suchergebnisse

This article outlines the evolution of youth European policies, in a context marked for over 25 years by a very high level of youth unemployment, exacerbated since 2008 by the economic crisis. It is striking that the European Union (EU) has until recently preferred a transversal approach to youth, considering youth unemployment as an issue among others. Moreover, the difficulty of the EU to co-operate with a wide spectrum of youth organizations is obvious, especially with those in favour of a far more protective approach against youth employment. However, we seem to witness the rise of a corporatist system in the field of youth, in which a few organizations are considered as legitimate interlocutors, even if they are consulted on issues which are the less sensitive at the expense of youth unemployment policies. Adapted from the source document.

Regulació dels Grup d'interès en la governança europea és crucial per a una comprensió completa de com s'exerceix el poder a la Unió Europea (UE) i per a una descripció més precisa de com funciona el sistema polític de la UE (i dels seus principis subjacents). Un dels temes principals aquí és com els interessos privats o particulars comprometre amb un interès general o públic encarnat en una forma o altra per aquells que actuen per a la UE. Donada la varietat de temes sensibles en joc, no és d'estranyar que la qüestió de la regulació es troba amb una resistència considerable, sobre tot en la Comissió. No obstant això, els recents obstacles a la integració europea han tingut l'efecte de rellançar un debat que fa que l'ètica i la transparència de les peces centrals de l'agenda. Dinàmiques polítiques actuals semblen donar testimoni d'una creixent receptivitat de la UE a les reivindicacions del moviment ALTER-EU que busca un entorn molt més regulat per cabilderos i funcionaris comunitaris. ; Interest group regulation in European governance is crucial to a full understanding of how power is exercised within the European Union (EU) and for a more accurate description of how the EU political system functions (and of its underlying principles). One of the main issues here is how private or specific interests engage with a general or public interest embodied in one way or another by those acting for the EU. Given the range of sensitive issues at stake, it is hardly surprising that the question of regulation meets with considerable resistance, especially in the Commission. However, recent obstacles to European integration have had the effect of relaunching a debate that makes ethics and transparency core parts of the agenda. Current political dynamics seem to testify to a growing EU receptiveness to the claims of the ALTER-EU movement which seeks a more highly regulated environment for EU lobbyists and officials

Résumé Cet article examine les conditions de régulation des groupes d'intérêt au Parlement européen et à la Commission européenne. Il met en exergue les difficultés d'une codification minimale en ce domaine. Si le Parlement a choisi de mettre en œuvre des normes obligatoires pour tous les groupes d'intérêt, en particulier un registre d'inscription, la Commission s'est en revanche toujours opposée à de telles mesures, prônant l'autorégulation de ces derniers. Le développement du lobbying depuis le début des années 1990, mais surtout la montée de l'euroscepticisme rendent cependant cet enjeu de plus en plus sensible. La place des groupes d'intérêt dans la gouvernance européenne et la collusion supposée entre milieux d'affaires et sphères décisionnelles sont, en effet, au cœur des critiques formulées par le mouvement altereuropéen, incitant récemment la Commission à lancer une « initiative pour la transparence ».

This article examines the conditions for the emergence of a most unexpected movement. It traces how a small number of leaders, in the context of weak support of the institutional representative frameworks, gave collective and political meaning to the dissatisfaction of the unemployed. Sticking to the European agenda, the movement, by means of the "march" format, was able to make itself visible to the media and, more generally, to public opinion, both of which it then used as resources. I identify the strategic orientations that ran through the movement and whose articulation led to a new mode of the Europeanization of action, which I call "the externalization of protest." The article concludes by identifying some of the effects induced by the marches, and suggests the incapacity of the mobilization to survive to the global justice movement, although it was one of its first expressions.

La persistance du chômage et de la précarité dans un grand nombre d'États membres gangrène le climat social des pays concernés et s'est traduite par des mobilisations de chômeurs parfois importantes mais toujours sporadiques. Le malaise atteint aujourd'hui un degré tel qu'il compromet l'avenir politique de l'Union européenne. Si les dispositifs de lutte contre le chômage restent de la responsabilité nationale, c'est bien en effet cette dernière qui a été durement sanctionnée, voyant notamment son projet de Constitution rejeté par une majorité de Français, au motif qu'il n'apporterait pas de garanties suffisantes en matière sociale.

The editors of this book examine social movement scholars' use of contemporary concepts and paradigms in the study of protest as they analyse the extent to which these tools are valid (or not) in very different regional - and thus political or cultural - contexts. The authors posit that 'weakly resourced groups' are a particularly useful point of departure to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of three key social movement schools of analysis: resource mobilization, political opportunity structures, and frame analysis. Some of the groups considered in this volume are financially disadvantaged, lacking money and work; others are economically disadvantaged, with members having precarious, part-time, or short-term jobs; some are socially disadvantaged, with fragile networks of solidarity; others are culturally disadvantaged, with members continuously victimized, stigmatized and rejected; finally some are politically disadvantaged when they have little or no access to decision-making structures. These exclusionary factors can be cumulative and give way to different outcomes. The chapters cover a large range of examples including urban riots in France and in Great Britain, the World Social Forums of Dakar and Nairobi, the struggles of precarious workers in Italy and Greece, unemployed mobilization in Germany and Ireland, the mobilization of the Roma and Muslims in Europe, the Brazilian landless movement, the mobilization of small farmers in France, as well as mobilization in authoritarian states such as Morocco and Cuba. This book will be of interest to scholars, students and activists working within social movement studies

This book brings together twelve scholars from various universities and research centres in Europe and Canada. All look at developments in the collective action of marginalised and/or disadvantaged people such as Gypsies, migrants, cleaners, or unemployed people in contemporary West European societies. The authors analyse how these people organise and mobilise within or across countries such as Belgium, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, or Italy. They note that although the co

Résumé À chaque émeute urbaine que la France connaît depuis maintenant près de quatre décennies, les symboles de l'État et les équipements collectifs semblent concentrer la colère d'une partie de la jeunesse des quartiers concernés. Cette situation suscite d'autant plus d'interrogations que des moyens significatifs ont été consacrés à la rénovation des banlieues françaises dans le cadre de la politique de la ville, en particulier depuis le début des années 2000. Cet article apporte des éléments de réponses à ce paradoxe apparent, en montrant que le besoin de participation et de reconnaissance des habitants reste peu pris en compte par les pouvoirs publics et explique largement le ressentiment d'une frange de la population.