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This paper tries to account for the changes in household consumption patterns associated with the change in PDS policy in these states using data from household consumption surveys by the National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO). These data show improvement in the coverage of TPDS and average offtake of grains from fair-price shops between 2004/2005 and 2009/2010 across all states of India. However, the increase in coverage and offtake was significantly higher in four out of these five states than in the rest of India. An average household in these states purchased 3 kg more rice per month from fair-price shops than its counterpart in nontreated states as a result of more generous TPDS policies backed by administrative reforms. The increase in consumption of PDS rice was the highest in Chhattisgarh, the poster state of public distribution system reforms. Households in Chhattisgarh used money saved on rice to spend more on pulses, edible oil, vegetables, sugar, and nonfood items. We also find evidence that making TPDS more inclusive and more generous is not enough unless it is supported by administrative reforms to improve grain delivery and control diversion to open markets. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; E Building Resilience; E.1 Policies, institutions and investments for resilient social systems; D.1 Agriculture's role in national development strategy; CRP2 ; PHND; SAO; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

This paper provides evidence on the effectiveness of one of the most common policies to improve nutrition among the poor, that is, a food subsidy. We study the case of subsidies on pulses in select Indian states and their impact on consumption and ultimately nutrition (protein intake). As a natural experiment, we use the introduction of pulses into India's Public Distribution System (PDS) where the variations in prices were brought about by the inclusion of pulses in the PDS in some states and not in others. ; ISI; CRP4; IFPRI3; CRP2; IFPRIOA; IFPRI-ICAR ; A4NH; PHND; SAR; PIM ; PR ; CGIAR Research Programs on Agriculture for Nutrition and Health (A4NH); CGIAR Research Programs on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

The World Health Assembly called for a 50% global anaemia reduction in women of reproductive age (15–49 years of age) from 2012 to 2025. India accounts for the most cases of anaemia in the world, and half of all pregnant Indian women are anaemic. In India, the government implemented a 4‐year food‐based safety net programme from 2008 to 2012 involving the provision of fortified wheat flour through its public distribution system. We assessed programme impact on anaemia among pregnant women (n = 10,186) using data from the 2002–2004 and 2012–2013 Indian District Level Health Surveys. The difference‐in‐differences method was used to estimate the impact on haemoglobin (Hb) and anaemia in pregnant women living in northern India (Punjab) and southern India (Tamil Nadu), with pregnant women in neighbouring states without wheat fortification programmes serving as controls. In northern India, we found no impact on Hb (β = −0.184, P = 0.793) or anaemia reduction (β = −0.01, P = 0.859), as expected, given that the intervention targeted only nonpoor households and demand for fortified wheat was low. In southern India, where intervention coverage was high, we found no impact on Hb (β = −0.001, P = 0.998) but did see an impact on anaemia reduction (β = −0.08, P = 0.042), which was unexpected given low consumption of wheat in this predominantly rice‐eating region. India's wheat fortification programmes were largely ineffective in terms of reducing anaemia among pregnant women. As policymakers expand fortification programs, it is critical to ensure that the fortified food is universally available and distributed widely through well‐functioning and popular outlets. ; IFPRI3; ISI; CRP4; IFPRIOA ; PHND; SAR; A4NH ; PR ; 11 pages ; CGIAR Research Program on Agriculture for Nutrition and Health (A4NH)

The World Health Assembly called for a 50% global anaemia reduction in women of reproductive age (15–49 years of age) from 2012 to 2025. India accounts for the most cases of anaemia in the world, and half of all pregnant Indian women are anaemic. In India, the government implemented a 4‐year food‐based safety net programme from 2008 to 2012 involving the provision of fortified wheat flour through its public distribution system. We assessed programme impact on anaemia among pregnant women (n = 10,186) using data from the 2002–2004 and 2012–2013 Indian District Level Health Surveys. The difference‐in‐differences method was used to estimate the impact on haemoglobin (Hb) and anaemia in pregnant women living in northern India (Punjab) and southern India (Tamil Nadu), with pregnant women in neighbouring states without wheat fortification programmes serving as controls. In northern India, we found no impact on Hb (β = −0.184, P = 0.793) or anaemia reduction (β = −0.01, P = 0.859), as expected, given that the intervention targeted only nonpoor households and demand for fortified wheat was low. In southern India, where intervention coverage was high, we found no impact on Hb (β = −0.001, P = 0.998) but did see an impact on anaemia reduction (β = −0.08, P = 0.042), which was unexpected given low consumption of wheat in this predominantly rice‐eating region. India's wheat fortification programmes were largely ineffective in terms of reducing anaemia among pregnant women. As policymakers expand fortification programs, it is critical to ensure that the fortified food is universally available and distributed widely through well‐functioning and popular outlets.

Women's self-help groups (SHGs) have increasingly been used as a vehicle for social, political, and economic empowerment as well as a platform for service delivery. Although a growing body of literature shows evidence of positive impacts of SHGs on various measures of empowerment, our understanding of ways in which SHGs improve awareness and use of public services is limited. To fill this knowledge gap, this paper first examines how SHG membership is associated with political participation, awareness, and use of government entitlement schemes. It further examines the effect of SHG membership on various measures of social networks and mobility. Using data collected in 2015 across five Indian states and matching methods to correct for endogeneity of SHG membership, we find that SHG members are more politically engaged. We also find that SHG members are not only more likely to know of certain public entitlements than non-members, they are significantly more likely to avail of a greater number of public entitlement schemes. Additionally, SHG members have wider social networks and greater mobility as compared to non-members. Our results suggest that SHGs have the potential to increase their members' ability to hold public entities accountable and demand what is rightfully theirs. An important insight, however, is that the SHGs themselves cannot be expected to increase knowledge of public entitlement schemes in absence of a deliberate effort to do so by an external agency. ; PR ; IFPRI3; ISI; CRP4; Women Improving Nutrition through Group-based Strategies (WINGS); G Cross-cutting gender theme; 5 Strengthening Institutions and Governance; 2 Promoting Healthy Diets and Nutrition for all ; A4NH; PHND ; CGIAR Research Program on Agriculture for Nutrition and Health (A4NH)

Women's self-help groups (SHGs) have increasingly been used as a vehicle for social, political, and economic empowerment as well as a platform for service delivery. Although a growing body of literature shows evidence of positive impacts of SHGs on various measures of empowerment, our understanding of ways in which SHGs improve awareness and use of public services is limited. To fill this knowledge gap, this paper first examines how SHG membership is associated with political participation, awareness, and use of government entitlement schemes. It further examines the effect of SHG membership on various measures of social networks and mobility. Using data collected in 2015 across five Indian states and matching methods to correct for endogeneity of SHG membership, we find that SHG members are more politically engaged. We also find that SHG members are not only more likely to know of certain public entitlements than non-members, they are significantly more likely to avail of a greater number of public entitlement schemes. Additionally, SHG members have wider social networks and greater mobility as compared to non-members. Our results suggest that SHGs have the potential to increase their members' ability to hold public entities accountable and demand what is rightfully theirs. An important insight, however, is that the SHGs themselves cannot be expected to increase knowledge of public entitlement schemes in absence of a deliberate effort to do so by an external agency. ; Non-PR ; CRP4; IFPRI1; E Building Resilience; 5 Strengthening Institutions and Governance; G Cross-cutting gender theme; Women Improving Nutrition through Group-based Strategies (WINGS) ; PHND; A4NH ; CGIAR Research Program on Agriculture for Nutrition and Health (A4NH)