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There is vast literature on how to implement public policies, with endless case studies emphasising a few key lessons. The drive to contracting in the public sector raises familiar threats to coherent program implementation, and adds those of control and incentives. Contracting fragments program responsibility among multiple contractors, and separates policy agencies from service delivery contractors. It raises questions about political control and accountability, and the prospect of gaps between intention and outcome. This paper 'rediscovers implementation' by reviewing the practical difficulties of constructing public‐private relationships which can deliver quality human services. After considering broad arguments about the efficacy of contracting, the paper turns to the provision of human services by examining the contracting out of welfare services and the Job Network. Our argument is modest: that public sector contracting fails if the challenges of implementation are not addressed explicitly, since service delivery through the private sector can falter for exactly the same reasons as traditional public bureaucracies.

While the year 2000 was memorable for public administration in Australia it was notable mainly for the unexpected. Success occurred where risk and failure were predicted. Failure emerged where success had been talked‐up. Notable examples include the so‐called Y2K problem, management of the Olympic Games, the introduction of the GST, and the outsourcing of government services (especially Information Technology (IT)). Also memorable were important shifts in the policy fields of defence and welfare. The Howard government ended the year in decision‐making and largese mode—setting the agenda for the following election year. The events of 2000 invite reconsideration of the merits of the traditional bureaucratic model and those of the emerging post bureaucratic models of service provision.

Saikia, Chalmers, Michael and Orrell explore the impact of social education on gender inequalities in rural Tamil Nadu where highland women's lives are damaged by discrimination, marginalisation and deprivation. Social education refers to agent-oriented learning experiences focused on power relations designed to help oppressed people regain their humanity in the struggle for empowerment. The book begins with the recognition that wellbeing is dependent on access to opportunities given that gender parity in tertiary education has not transferred to good jobs. This implies education is a necessary but insufficient indicator of wellbeing in the absence of empowerment. Hence, it investigates interconnections between empowerment (self-efficacy, social action and human rights) and multiple dimensions of wellbeing (living standards/ livelihoods, physical and mental health, and education). It articulates how such hopes and expectations are empirically founded, thereby presenting some of the answers that readers need to move from grievance to a future that is more conducive to friendships and mutuality. A vital resource for scholars, students, researchers and professionals interested in development studies, human rights (law and social science), anthropology of development, gender in development, public health administration, governance/ public administration, and welfare economics.

Scope of an Investigation in India of Marginalised Women's Struggle for Equality -- Rationale for Including Inequality in Women's Wellbeing Approaches -- Research Sites, Women, and Concepts Involved in a Study of the Struggle for Equality in Rural India -- Research Processes Involved in a Wellbeing Inquiry of Rural Women's Struggle for Equality in India -- Outcomes of a Quality-of-Life Study of Marginalised Women's Struggle for Equality in India -- What the Indices Reveal in a Study of Marginalised Women's Struggle for Equality in India -- Prologue of an Investigation of Marginalised Women's Struggle for Equality in India.

Background: The first European Perinatal Health Report showed wide variability between European countries in fetal (2.6– 9.1%) and neonatal (1.6–5.7%) mortality rates in 2004. We investigated gestational age patterns of fetal and neonatal mortality to improve our understanding of the differences between countries with low and high mortality. Methodology/Principal Findings: Data on 29 countries/regions participating in the Euro-Peristat project were analyzed. Most European countries had no limits for the registration of live births, but substantial variations in limits for registration of stillbirths before 28 weeks of gestation existed. Country rankings changed markedly after excluding deaths most likely to be affected by registration differences (22–23 weeks for neonatal mortality and 22–27 weeks for fetal mortality). Countries with high fetal mortality $28 weeks had on average higher proportions of fetal deaths at and near term ($37 weeks), while proportions of fetal deaths at earlier gestational ages (28–31 and 32–36 weeks) were higher in low fetal mortality countries. Countries with high neonatal mortality rates $24 weeks, all new member states of the European Union, had high gestational age-specific neonatal mortality rates for all gestational-age subgroups; they also had high fetal mortality, as well as high early and late neonatal mortality. In contrast, other countries with similar levels of neonatal mortality had varying levels of fetal mortality, and among these countries early and late neonatal mortality were negatively correlated. Conclusions: For valid European comparisons, all countries should register births and deaths from at least 22 weeks of gestation and should be able to distinguish late terminations of pregnancy from stillbirths. After excluding deaths most likely to be influenced by existing registration differences, important variations in both levels and patterns of fetal and neonatal mortality rates were found. These disparities raise questions for future research about the effectiveness of medical policies and care in European countries. ; publishedVersion

Background: The first European Perinatal Health Report showed wide variability between European countries in fetal (2.6-9.1%) and neonatal (1.6-5.7%) mortality rates in 2004. We investigated gestational age patterns of fetal and neonatal mortality to improve our understanding of the differences between countries with low and high mortality. Methodology/Principal Findings: Data on 29 countries/regions participating in the Euro-Peristat project were analyzed. Most European countries had no limits for the registration of live births, but substantial variations in limits for registration of stillbirths before 28 weeks of gestation existed. Country rankings changed markedly after excluding deaths most likely to be affected by registration differences (22-23 weeks for neonatal mortality and 22-27 weeks for fetal mortality). Countries with high fetal mortality >= 28 weeks had on average higher proportions of fetal deaths at and near term (>= 37 weeks), while proportions of fetal deaths at earlier gestational ages (28-31 and 32-36 weeks) were higher in low fetal mortality countries. Countries with high neonatal mortality rates >= 24 weeks, all new member states of the European Union, had high gestational age-specific neonatal mortality rates for all gestational-age subgroups; they also had high fetal mortality, as well as high early and late neonatal mortality. In contrast, other countries with similar levels of neonatal mortality had varying levels of fetal mortality, and among these countries early and late neonatal mortality were negatively correlated. Conclusions: For valid European comparisons, all countries should register births and deaths from at least 22 weeks of gestation and should be able to distinguish late terminations of pregnancy from stillbirths. After excluding deaths most likely to be influenced by existing registration differences, important variations in both levels and patterns of fetal and neonatal mortality rates were found. These disparities raise questions for future research about the ...

Background The first European Perinatal Health Report showed wide variability between European countries in fetal (2.6–9.1‰) and neonatal (1.6–5.7‰) mortality rates in 2004. We investigated gestational age patterns of fetal and neonatal mortality to improve our understanding of the differences between countries with low and high mortality. ; Methodology/Principal Findings Data on 29 countries/regions participating in the Euro-Peristat project were analyzed. Most European countries had no limits for the registration of live births, but substantial variations in limits for registration of stillbirths before 28 weeks of gestation existed. Country rankings changed markedly after excluding deaths most likely to be affected by registration differences (22–23 weeks for neonatal mortality and 22–27 weeks for fetal mortality). Countries with high fetal mortality ≥28 weeks had on average higher proportions of fetal deaths at and near term (≥37 weeks), while proportions of fetal deaths at earlier gestational ages (28–31 and 32–36 weeks) were higher in low fetal mortality countries. Countries with high neonatal mortality rates ≥24 weeks, all new member states of the European Union, had high gestational age-specific neonatal mortality rates for all gestational-age subgroups; they also had high fetal mortality, as well as high early and late neonatal mortality. In contrast, other countries with similar levels of neonatal mortality had varying levels of fetal mortality, and among these countries early and late neonatal mortality were negatively correlated. ; Conclusions For valid European comparisons, all countries should register births and deaths from at least 22 weeks of gestation and should be able to distinguish late terminations of pregnancy from stillbirths. After excluding deaths most likely to be influenced by existing registration differences, important variations in both levels and patterns of fetal and neonatal mortality rates were found. These disparities raise questions for future research about the effectiveness of medical policies and care in European countries. ; peer-reviewed