Suchergebnisse

How many Australians have experienced homelessness during their lifetime and how many people have slept rough? This paper draws on evidence from a random sample of the Australian population to answer these questions (N=1349). First, we explain the methodology for the research. Then we focus on the number of people who have experienced homelessness and the different experiences of men and women. Next, we investigate how many people have slept rough. We conclude that about 2.35 million people have experienced homelessness during their lifetime, and that 59 per cent of them (about 1.4 million people) have slept rough.

This article uses information from a large administrative database ( N = 3941) to outline five ideal typical pathways into adult homelessness. The pathways are called 'housing crisis', 'family breakdown', 'substance abuse', 'mental health' and 'youth to adult'. Then we explain why people on some pathways remain homeless for longer than others. People on a housing crisis or family breakdown pathway do not form strong friendships in the homeless subculture or accept homelessness as a way of life. Their homelessness is shorter. In contrast, people on the substance abuse and youth to adult pathways often become involved in the homeless subculture and engage in social practices that make it difficult to exit from homelessness. Their homelessness is longer. People on the mental health pathway also experience long-term homelessness, but they do not endorse homelessness as a way of life. They remain homeless because they have few exit options.

In Australia, it is widely believed that most homeless people have mental health issues and that mental illness is a primary cause of homelessness. This paper uses information from a study of 4,291 homeless people in Melbourne to investigate these propositions. The research found that 15 per cent of the homeless had mental health issues prior to becoming homeless. This challenges the community perception that mental illness is the primary cause of homelessness. The research also found that 16 per cent of the sample developed mental health issues after becoming homeless. Homelessness causes mental health issues for some people, particularly anxiety and depression. The claim that most homeless people are mentally ill sends the wrong message to policy makers about the services that are needed to assist homeless people.

Governments have shown an interest in early intervention strategies to reduce youth homelessness, but critics say that early intervention programs lack clear outcomes. This paper investigates what happens when early intervention programs are not in place and young people progress to adult homelessness. The paper assesses the 'social adaptation' hypothesis that the longer young people are homeless the more they adapt to homelessness as a way of life. The paper uses information on 1,677 individuals who first became homeless when they were 18 or younger. Three‐quarters of the sample had progressed to adult homelessness (defined as 25 or older) and one‐quarter were now young adults aged 19 to 24. The findings confirm that the longer people are homeless, the more difficult it becomes to get out of homelessness. However, the social adaptation account overstates the extent to which people accept homelessness as a 'way of life'. People can return to conventional accommodation if they are given long‐term support. The paper concludes with three policy recommendations.

Three definitions of homelessness which have been influential in Australia may be categorised as the literal, the subjectivist and the cultural. The literal definition equates homelessness with 'rooflessness'. The subjectivist definition attempts to establish homelessness ' by asking people about the adequacy of their accommodation The cultural definition argues that homelessness is an objective category which is not dependent on people's perceptions. From examining the usefulness of the three definitions in relation to a large body of data collected at an agency providing services for homeless people, we may contend that homelessness is best treated as a concept like poverty, which should be measured objectively and not depend on people's perceptions.

This article identifies three temporal images of the homeless youth population. The dominant media typification is of an 'underclass' with chronic problems. A dissident image contends that most young people experience only short periods of homelessness, and that there is a 'high turnover' population. A third account suggests that there are both 'short‐term' and 'chronically' homeless youth, but few individuals in‐between. It is a 'polarised' image of the population. This article draws on information from a sample of 1,410 homeless young people to assess these accounts. The article theorises temporal concepts and it explains a methodological issue called the 'point in time dilemma'. The main finding of the study is that the homeless population is characterised by temporal diversity. The basis for the dominant underclass typification is explained, and various policy issues are discussed.

There is little agreement in the recent academic literature about how the concept of homelessness should be defined. This is more than just a theoretical problem, because it becomes difficult to urge governments to meet the needs of homeless people, if the parameters of the homeless population are unclear. This paper reviews 'conservative', 'radical' and 'conventional' perspectives on homelessness in modern society, and it argues that it is possible to adjudicate between them. The paper proposes a socially constructed definition of homelessness based on the notion of minimum community standards. It argues that this culturally relative position provides a theoretically meaningful framework for understanding homelessness in the 1990s.

This book explores the complexities of homelessness in Australia & mdash;and the future policies likely to improve the situation. What is homelessness? Who counts as homeless? Whose responsibility is homelessness? In Homelessness in Australia, experts in the sector offer timely insights into the history, causes, and extent of homelessness in the country, and the future policy directions most likely to have a positive impact. Covering issues such as gender, Indigenous homelessness, family violence, young people, and the effects of trauma, the book aims to improve both the understanding of the complexities involved and the outcomes for those experiencing homelessness.

Chris Chamberlain is emeritus professor in the Centre for Applied Social Research at RMIT University and the author of numerous books on homelessness. Guy Johnson is a senior research fellow at the Centre for Applied Social Research at RMIT University. Catherine Robinson is a senior lecturer in the Cultural Studies Group at the University of Technology, Sydney.