Suchergebnisse

Why are Chinese university graduates, who in the past avoided socio-economically backward rural areas, willing to start their careers in such areas today? This research argues that the Chinese authorities have promoted "grassroots employment" for university graduates through preferential policies together with the values of "socialist citizenship". However, the preferential policies actually reflect a different value of "instrumental utilitarianism" which resonates well with the dominant youth culture. This article examines the promotional strategies of four "grassroots employment" programmes in order to determine whether the popularity of the four programmes is due to the success of "socialist citizenship" or to the preferential policies. The benefits, difficulties and prospects of achieving the objectives of these "grassroots employment" programmes are briefly evaluated. The main conclusions are that the authorities have used "socialist citizenship" as a camouflage and that the preferential policies have accentuated youths' enthusiasm to join the programmes. (China/GIGA)

'Chinese Society: Change, Conflict and Resistance' edited by Elizabeth J. Perry and Mark Selden is reviewed.

Chinese university students were politically active in the 1980s. The 1980s cohort was growing up in a period of rapid change. The author examines the political orientation of Chinese university students after the 1989 movement. He discusses the ideological crisis of the Chinese youths, impact of the 1989 incident, unchanged political attitudes, before and after 1989, among other issues. (DÜI-Sen)

A widely-held perception is that the image of North Korea among most Chinese people has changed from that of a socialist comrade and 'little brother' to an idiosyncratic, trouble-making neighbor. This research questions the homogeneity of Chinese people's viewpoints towards North Korea. Concepts of state and popular nationalism are used to examine differences and similarities between the Chinese state and its people in their perceptions and sentiments towards North Korea, mainly focusing on the period of succession from Kim Jong-il to Kim Jong-un. Examining online discussions representing Chinese popular nationalism demonstrated that Chinese netizens' political viewpoints are diversified along the ideological spectrum of left and right and that only the 'moderate left' netizens hold an image of North Korea which is close to that of their political authorities. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Since the last decade, the Shanghai government has carried out administrative reforms towards the goals of rationalisation and marketisation. Various reform measures have been implemented, including, for example, segregation of government and enterprises ( zheng qi fen kai); reduction of administrative examination and approval ( jianshao xingzheng shenpi); and devolving some of the government functions to the third sector. Among various measures, probably the setting up of a new local government in the Pudong New Area is the most significant. After the examination of different aspects of the Shanghai administrative reforms, we conclude that the goal of the reform has been set correctly but without enough bold and innovative attempts. We suggest that further administrative reforms in Shanghai should be implemented with more rationalisation and marketisation in order to build up a true market economy without administrative interference from the government.

The anti-Japanese demonstrations in China in April 2005 and the Japanese reactions have been characterized as a "clash of nationalisms". This article examines in detail the nature of contemporary nationalism in both China and Japan, taking a number of current issues in the bilateral relationship as case studies. It differentiates between state and popular nationalism and between assertive and reactive nationalism. Focusing primarily on popular nationalism, the authors contend that in both China and Japan, contrary to perceptions within each country that the other country is practicing assertive nationalism, in fact reactive nationalism better encapsulates the type of nationalism that is occurring. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

The two goals of the 1998 state council organizational streamlining were personnel reduction and a change of governments functions. It is argued that the methods being used to achieve personnel reduction do not constitute a real reduction but largely involve transferring staff to other public institutions. Real personnel reduction could not be achieved without a major change of government function. Institutional reforms of both the central and local governments since the 1980s have been adaptions to the changing economic structure from a planned to a market economy. Government functions have served both existing economies. Cadres cannot be reduced unless the government function of direct management of state-enterprises is completely severed. The major contents of the 1998 institutional reform are examined and evaluated. The prospects for the success of the reform are also assessed. (J Contemp China/DÜI)