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Recent theoretical discussion and Empirical Evidence have shown that national identity is important at both collective and individual levels. The issue of national identity is particularly relevant to the community of Hong Kong, which was reunited with the People's Republic of China (PRC) on 1 July 1997. The fact that 97 per cent of Hong Kong's population is Chinese does not guarantee the automatic development of a sense of national identity. Mutual understanding between the people of the two places is not as easy and natural as one might expect, for objective differences, such as those found in the political, legal and economic systems, make the 'other' more stranger than kin. Such difficulties were compounded by the phenomenon that, unlike in many former colonies, the people of Hong Kong did not abhor their outgoing British rulers; in fact many were quite nostalgic about the colonial period.

The conflict over national identity within the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) is examined. An overview of contemporary theory discusses the function of nation & national identity & the process of constructing national identity. Despite the gradual development of a cultural repertoire that acknowledges aspects of Chinese culture in present-day Hong Kong, it is contended that the HKSAR government has refused to participate in creating a national identity by constituting Mainland Chinese immigrants as "significant others." Through the analysis of a judicial decision levied by the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal in Jan 1999, it is demonstrated that the HKSAR government has emphasized issues concerning local resources & economic interests over those regarding nation building. It is concluded that significant problems could arise in the HKSAR if local identity continues to be privileged over national identity. J. W. Parker

The 1989 student pro-democracy movement in China was sparked by the death of former Party General Secretary Hu Yaobang on 18th April 1989. Unofficial mourning for Hu began shortly after students learned of his death. At the beginning these mourning activities were confined to students. Society at large was not involved. Wide-scale societal support grew slowly and snowballed at a later stage. The author uses a cultural perspective to explore how the masses were drawn into the movement and explains the scale of mobilization and the CCP's (Chinese Communist Party's) justification for a bloody crackdown. (DÜI-Sen)

Since Hong Kong's reunification with the People's Republic of China in 1997, debates about patriotism have erupted from time to time in Hong Kong. Considering Hong Kong's socio-political background, the feelings and attachment of Hongkongers towards their motherland are unsurprisingly complex. We therefore need a multidimensional concept to capture the complexities of Hong Kong patriotism. Based on survey data, we propose that the term 'liberal patriotism' best describes the type of patriotism in Hong Kong society, which is that love of the homeland and the state are qualified by liberal democratic values. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Civil society in Hong Kong has gone through an important period of maturity in the ten years since the handover, with 2003 being a watershed. Around 2003, civil society assumed a separate identity, and from that point on it has been active in various aspects on the policymaking scene. This article discusses how civil society has articulated itself its identity, roles, agenda and agency. Civil society's self-articulation of its identity and roles reveals three discourses: civil society as a defender of its own autonomy, civil society as the third sector, and civil society as a partner in governance. While the first and third discourses are popular among civil society actors, the second discourse is used more by the government. There is also a shift in the emphasis: from the self-defense discourse surrounding opposition of the public security bill to the governance partnership discourse relating to an expanded agenda of civil society on environmental, history, culture and heritage issues. The expanded agenda signals a greater diversification of values. In addition to the monolithic capitalist value system, there are now some post-materialist values that stress a sense of belonging, self-expression and quality of life. Civil society's sense of agency has grown over the years, and it is now acting with increasing confidence in advocacy. Adapted from the source document.

Civil society in Hong Kong has gone through an important period of maturity in the ten years since the handover, with 2003 being a watershed. Around 2003, civil society assumed a separate identity, and from that point on it has been active in various aspects on the policymaking scene. This article discusses how civil society has articulated itself its identity, roles, agenda and agency. Civil society's self-articulation of its identity and roles reveals three discourses: civil society as a defender of its own autonomy, civil society as the third sector, and civil society as a partner in governance. While the first and third discourses are popular among civil society actors, the second discourse is used more by the government. There is also a shift in the emphasis: from the self-defense discourse surrounding opposition of the public security bill to the governance partnership discourse relating to an expanded agenda of civil society on environmental, history, culture and heritage issues. The expanded agenda signals a greater diversification of values. In addition to the monolithic capitalist value system, there are now some post-materialist values that stress a sense of belonging, self-expression and quality of life. Civil society's sense of agency has grown over the years, and it is now acting with increasing confidence in advocacy. Adapted from the source document.

Civil society in Hong Kong has gone through an important period of maturity in the ten years since the handover, with 2003 being a watershed. This article discusses how civil society has articulated itself : its identity, roles, agenda and agency. (Asia Pac J Public Adm/NIAS-Han)

This paper reports findings from the first social cohesion survey in Hong Kong. Social cohesion is understood as a multi-dimensional concept, having a horizontal dimension which is concerned with both feelings and actions of members of society, and a vertical dimension that taps those between society and the government. It is found that horizontally, society feels cohesive but the feeling is not supported by corresponding behaviour such as participation in organizations and engagement in giving and helping. Vertically, society has much higher trust in bureaucracies of justice administration than the executive branch of the government. The level of civic engagement is respectable despite a general dissatisfaction with government performance. We conclude that however cohesively society feels, it is achieved with little institutional mediation and social engagement. We postulate that this is possible because lending support to advocacy groups, participation in small group activities and close family ties might have rendered institutional mediation less significant.