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"This book focuses on the nature of ethno-national conflicts and impacts of ideological orientation of the Communist Party of China (CPC) towards the national question in the context of Han nationalism and political, economic and security policies towards Xinjiang. Violence in Xinjiang since the mid-1990s is projected as one of the major national security challenges for China along with issues pertaining to Tibet and Taiwan. The author argues that the post-Mao reformist model may have been a beneficial economic and political innovation, but failed in dealing with regional conflicts and unrests arising out of the demands for independence, freedom, greater autonomy, and assertion of democratic and civic rights. The book discusses Chinese nationalism and the construction of Uyghur national identity, consequences of economic modernization in the region, ethnic conflicts and coercive measures, the security and social stability situation in Xinjiang, intensification of violence in Xinjiang under the new leadership, vision of the 'Chinese dream', key policies and programmes, post-riots fallouts, and social contradictions manifest in discourses surrounding development, separatist violence, religious fundamentalism and international terrorism. With its in-depth, accessible and comprehensive analyses, this book will be a valuable addition to scholars and researchers of Chinese studies, politics and international relations, security and strategic studies, sociology, social anthropology and ethnic studies."--Provided by publisher

"This book focuses on the nature of ethno-national conflicts and impacts of ideological orientation of the Communist Party of China (CPC) towards the national question in the context of Han nationalism and political, economic and security policies towards Xinjiang. Violence in Xinjiang since the mid-1990s is projected as one of the major national security challenges for China along with issues pertaining to Tibet and Taiwan. The author argues that the post-Mao reformist model may have been a beneficial economic and political innovation, but failed in dealing with regional conflicts and unrests arising out of the demands for independence, freedom, greater autonomy, and assertion of democratic and civic rights. The book discusses Chinese nationalism and the construction of Uyghur national identity, consequences of economic modernization in the region, ethnic conflicts and coercive measures, the security and social stability situation in Xinjiang, intensification of violence in Xinjiang under the new leadership, vision of the 'Chinese dream', key policies and programmes, post-riots fallouts, and social contradictions manifest in discourses surrounding development, separatist violence, religious fundamentalism and international terrorism. With its in-depth, accessible and comprehensive analyses, this book will be a valuable addition to scholars and researchers of Chinese studies, politics and international relations, security and strategic studies, sociology, social anthropology and ethnic studies."--Provided by publisher.

The consciousness of non-Han nationalities in modern China evolved around a deep antipathy to the Qing, assimilationist ideas, and pretentious multi-ethnicism. The concepts of equality among nationalities and right to self-determination entered into the discourse of nation- and state-building in China under the influence of Lenin's revolutionary ideals and Stalin's views on 'the national question'. The Communist Party of China (CPC) has struggled to reconcile these concepts with its nationalist agenda since its inception in 1921. The CPC later innovated ethno-regional autonomy for minorities and developed corresponding institutions. This article argues that the Party's three main agendas of national unification and interethnic unity, developmental goals, and majoritarian nationalism have all complicated its ties with ethnic minorities, and evaluates how the present leadership of the 100-year-old Party has been managing the relationship.

The characteristic feature of the geo-economic space of the People's Republic of China is that 70 per cent of the minority population of the country is concentrated in its western region. The uneven development of the early reform period mostly affected the minority-populated areas. China's westernmost administrative division Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) is one such region which has been restive since 1990 due to an ongoing separatist movement led by Uyghurs, the majority ethnic group of the region. Alongside the regional imbalances in economic development during the reform period, due to geographical as well as historical factors, and long-term policy, a phenomenon of localized economic development has emerged that marginalized the minorities of Xinjiang to a great extent. The paper focuses on the intraregional economic disparities of the region and the economic deprivation of the Uyghurs.

This paper discusses the macro economic profile of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China during the reform period, the Western Development Strategy and the importance of the region in the changing geo-strategic and geo-economic environment in Central Asia. Xinjiang is the largest administrative unit in China and is rich in mineral resources, especially oil and natural gas, that will make it a major player in generating rapid economic growth in the western part of China in the coming decades. Xinjiang is not only far ahead of other western provinces, it also has the advantage of a flourishing international trade with eight neighbouring countries as well as with other CIS countries and West Asia. The region has also achieved more in basic education. This paper draws attention to the intra-regional economic disparities and the inherent weakness of this arid and water scarce region.

The trend of Bush's policy and its impact in international affairs is worth noting during the second presidential term of George Bush. The US, besides persisting in pushing forward its 'democratisation plan in the greater Middle East', has been intensifying its attempt to penetrate into Central Asia. For some time now, the main focus of US foreign policy has been Iraq, the Gulf and the Middle East, but it has given equal importance to containing the so-called 'North Korean nuclear weapon' and to the 'Iranian nuclear issue'. There were new developments in China-Russia-India tripartite relations. China and India agreed to establish a strategic partnership, greatly promoting bilateral relations between them. The developmental process in these countries, Russia-China and India, has provided ample scope for strengthening trilateral cooperation among them.

Education is a life-long process to shape human personality to make a good citizen and overall to make a strong nation. To a certain number of people Education still means a number of pages and acquiring degree from school and colleges. Real education can never be fulfilled without moral education and the formation of moral character. Acharya Swami Pranabananda was such a spiritual preceptor and guide to preach and propagate the ideals of morality, self-discipline, truth and continence. He realized the crisis of real education, lacking the moral and spiritual growth, honesty, humanity and truthfulness. Now a day's education has become a rat race and students have become the Machine due to the advancement of Modern Technology, Modernization and excessive influence of modern politics.