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"Examining Chinese-North African relations through the lens of President Xi Jinping's Silk Road grand strategy, this book offers a comprehensive analysis of emerging strategic and economic partnerships in the Maghreb region. China's 'Belt and Road Initiative' (BRI) is one of the most ambitious infrastructure projects in modern history. This book argues that the BRI framework is vital in understanding the shifting balance of power within the Maghreb region and between the North African countries, the EU, the US, and China. It is argued that an increasing interdependence can be observed between China and the Maghreb in energy, construction, infrastructure building, political ties, trade and investments, financial integration, people-to-people bonds, and defence. The author reveals the complexities and challenges of Beijing's BRI, exploring how this synergy will shape the Maghreb in the future. Additionally, the book argues that the balance of global politics will be critically affected by these emerging partnerships. The book will be of particular interest to students and academics focused on interstate dynamics and foreign policy in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region, but in its global ramifications the book is also much-needed reading for those working in International Relations, Politics and Economics, and Public Policy"--

"The People's Republic of China (PRC) diplomatic engagement with the Middle East spans multiple dimensions, including trade and investment, the energy sector, and military cooperation. Connecting China through the Suez Canal to the Mediterranean and Europe, the Middle East is a unique geostrategic location for Beijing, a critical source of energy resources, and an area of expanding economic ties. The Middle East geographical and political area is subject to different country inclusion interpretations that have changed over time and reflect complex and multifaceted circumstances involving conflict, religion, ethnicity, and language. China considers most Arab League member countries (as well as Israel, Turkey, and Iran) as representing the Middle East. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and official Chinese publications refer to this region as Xiya beifei (West Asia and North Africa). China sees the Middle East as an intrinsic part of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and has ramped up investment in the region accordingly, focusing on energy (including nuclear power), infrastructure construction, agriculture, and finance. This book uses the BRI as a framework for analyzing China-Middle East relations, with special emphasis on the PRC's strategic partnerships via regional mutual interdependency in various sectors such as energy, infrastructure building, political ties, trade and investment, financial integration, people to people bonding, and defense. A stable Middle East region is vital for China's sustainable growth and continued prosperity. As the world's largest oil consumer with an ambition to expand its economic and political influence, the Middle East's geostrategic location and holder of most of the world's known energy resources make it indispensable to the success of the Belt and Road Initiative"--Vendor's summary

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction: Opportunity and Strategy -- 1. Saudi Arabia -- 2. Iran -- 3. United Arab Emirates -- 4. Iraq -- 5. Kuwait -- 6. Qatar -- 7. Oman -- 8. Bahrain -- Conclusion: Challenges and Prospects -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- Back Cover.

A new era of great power rivalry has returned to the center of the global stage. The Middle East has emerged as one of the key arenas where this rivalry is being played out, and analyzing it through the lens of power transition theory provides valuable insights into the dynamics at play. This study focuses on the great power rivalry between the United States and China in the Middle East through the lens of power transition theory. It examines whether this great power rivalry in the region will allow them to pursue competitive coexistence or if they can expect increasing levels of confrontation and mutual deterrence. The study maintains that the US-China rivalry in the Middle East is multidimensional and spans primarily three dimensions: geo-economic (the Belt and Road Initiative framework), geopolitical (partnership diplomacy), and the race for technological supremacy (the Digital Silk Road). While conflict is not inevitable, it is essential to recognize the potential for confrontation and build a coordinated mechanism to manage and mitigate these tensions.

There are already signs that the PRC is backing out of the non-interference policy. Perhaps this is the right time to ask if China's policy of non-interference in other countries internal affairs is ending, especially in light of the BRI grand strategy. The study examines whether China's policy of non-interference is sustainable in the age of the BRI. Will the PRC be able to maintain its non-interference and neutrality policy, especially if its commercial interests, investments, and citizens living in the GCC countries are threatened? China must moderate its non-interference policy and increasingly intervene to secure overseas economic interests by framing its engagement in a way that eases the perceived breadth and depth of its interference.

The Republic of Yemen (North Yemen) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) established diplomatic relations in 1956, the first Arabian Peninsula country to recognise the PRC as the legitimate representative of the country. Yemen is a significant and strategically important state in the southern Arabian Peninsula bordering Saudi Arabia, Oman, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden within the Arabian Sea (Behbehani. 1985. China and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen). The geographical location of Yemen makes it an essential state for the PRC because it enables it an observation point over three regional trouble spots: the Gulf of Aden, the Red Sea, and the Horn of Africa. Thus, Yemen can become the bridge between Asia and Africa, and between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean, and a vital component of China's Silk Road Strategy. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) could be used as a new driving force for the Sino-Yemen relationship, especially the integration between the state's post-war reconstruction and the realization of the initiative.

The Middle East is becoming a hotspot for thousands of Chinese businesses with hundreds of thousands of Chinese nationals working and living throughout the region, as well as several million Chinese tourists. Traditionally, China's policies towards the Middle East were based on the principle of non-interference. In face of the increasing number and frequency of acts of violence against Chinese nationals and assets in the region, this study examines whether China's strategy to maintain its non-interference policy can meet the challenge of protecting the safety and rights of Chinese tourists in the Middle East. The main argument is that China's approach to maintaining its non-interference policy is part of a carefully devised strategy that suits the country's doctrine. China's leadership favours a global proactive diplomatic approach which includes five diplomatic and military measures identified in this article: non-combatant evacuation operations and peacekeeping operations; construction of infrastructure and logistical capacities; legal framework and security cooperation; mediation and conflict management; and consular protection. This proactive diplomatic approach is also suitable to meet the challenge of the safety and rights of Chinese tourists in the region. (China/GIGA)

The People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Islamic Republic of Mauritania have maintained steady bilateral relations since the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1965. This study examines China's economic relations with the Islamic Republic of Mauritania in the Belt and Road Initiative era. Over the past years, the PRC has been increasing its presence and engagement with Mauritania's economy and presenting itself as a reliable financial and investor partner. The main argument is that the PRC's relationship with Mauritania is based on shared or mutual commercial interests, especially Mauritania's economic development, industrialization, and social development through integration in the BRI framework. China has collaborated with Mauritania both bilaterally and multilaterally, mainly through the BRI framework, and is also expanding its political power and influence in the country at the expense of Western hegemony.

AbstractThis study seeks to examine the new dynamic of the growing comprehensive strategic partnership between Iran and China in order to understand the impact and the extent of the reimposition of U.S. secondary sanctions on Iran's engagement and integration in the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative. Tehran has a special geographical and communication status in West Asia which makes it one of the important centerpieces of the new Silk Road trade route. However, Washington's decision to withdraw from the Iran nuclear agreement and to reimpose sanctions has created barriers in the new dynamic in Sino‐Iranian trade and obstacles to integrating Iran into the realization of the Belt and Road Initiative.

In July 2018, the Kuwaiti Emir made a state visit of great significance to China, as both countries agreed to establish a strategic partnership creating new opportunities for Kuwait, which aspires to diversify its economy and seek investment opportunities. This study investigates various aspects behind the establishment of this partnership and examines the synergy between the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Kuwait Vision 2035 (KV2035) to understand the extent of economic engagement and relationship between the two nations. However, despite the considerable increase in Chinese trade and investments in Kuwait, some significant internal obstacles and external challenges remain to the successful integration of KV2035 with the BRI.

China–Qatar ties have strengthened considerably in recent years. The relationship between the two countries has seen steady and smooth bilateral development in the political, economic and cultural fields; in trade, energy and other areas and has given active play to the complementarities between the two economies. This study wants to examine the motivation behind Beijing's measures to formalise a strategic partnership with Qatar to understand the impact and the extent of the Qatar-Gulf crisis on Doha engagement and integration within the Belt and Road Initiative. China's measures to formalise strategic partnerships with Qatar includes seven major areas for cooperation: policy coordination, connectivity, trade and investments, energy cooperation, financial cooperation, military ties, tourism and cultural ties.

This study analyses China's economic diplomacy approach in the Middle East conflicts in order to explore the following question: How does China use diplomatic means to protect and pursue commercial investments, economic assets, and economic tools, and to advance its foreign policy goals in the Middle East conflict zones? This study argues that despite its adherence to the principle of non-intervention, Beijing's economic diplomacy has a more flexible and pragmatic interpretive approach. Chinese economic diplomacy in the Middle East uses its diplomatic resources to intervene as needed to safeguard its investments and assets, and utilises economic incentives to promote its well-defined foreign policy goals in the region's hotspots.