Suchergebnisse

Notwithstanding the significant advances made over the last twenty years in terms of charting and explaining the ways in which state punishment is influenced by economic and political forces, little is still known about the penal effects of conditions of economic crisis and about the role the incumbent government's political orientation plays in this regard. Because the few available studies on these questions have been preoccupied with the Anglo-American sphere and only in the context of recent decades at that, even less is known either about the implications that different types or experiences of economic crisis carry for state punishment, or about the influence exerted in this respect by government political orientations other than those found in established democracies. Irrespective of geographical or temporal scope, moreover, the impact that different extranational factors and actors may have in terms of economic, political or directly penal matters domestically remains poorly understood. With a view to helping fill these gaps in the literature, this article explores the effects on state punishment that economic crisis and government political orientation had in interaction with one another in the context of interwar Greece. Attention is first paid to various ways in which global capitalism was decisive in creating within Greece an environment conducive to increased punitiveness on the part of the state. The focus is on the economic, social and political consequences of the Wall Street crash of 1929 and Britain's exit from the gold standard in 1931, as these were exacerbated by Greece's long-term exposure to predatory lending, speculative investing and external interference in her domestic affairs in the context of engaging international capital markets. The article then proceeds to discuss how the Liberal government of 1928–1932 sought to handle the situation, particularly the approach it took towards punishment.

This article synthesises diverse material to discuss both state use of the arts for the purposes of controlling prisoners and the broader public, and the use made of the arts by prisoners and portions of the broader public as tools of resistance to penal states. The article proceeds with an analysis of the politics surrounding and underpinning the philosophy, formation, operation, effectiveness, and research evaluation of arts-in-prisons programmes in the contemporary Anglo-American world. It argues that arts-in-prisons programmes and pertinent evaluation research are often employed as means to a variety of latent ignoble ends, with 'decorative justice' – the function of masking the injustices and painful nature of imprisonment behind claims of fairness, benevolence and care – chief amongst these ends.

This article synthesises diverse material to discuss both state use of the arts for the purposes of controlling prisoners and the broader public, and the use made of the arts by prisoners and portions of the broader public as tools of resistance to penal states. The article proceeds with an analysis of the politics surrounding and underpinning the philosophy, formation, operation, effectiveness, and research evaluation of arts-in-prisons programmes in the contemporary Anglo-American world. It argues that arts-in-prisons programmes and pertinent evaluation research are often employed as means to a variety of latent ignoble ends, with 'decorative justice' – the function of masking the injustices and painful nature of imprisonment behind claims of fairness, benevolence and care – chief amongst these ends.

Prison realities : views from around the world / Leonidas K. Cheliotis -- Our violence and theirs : comparing prison realities / Leonidas K. Cheliotis -- Denuding surveillance at the carceral boundary / Chris Garces -- Gothic sovereignty : gangs and criminal community in a Honduran prison / Jon Horne Carter -- Power, control, and symbiosis in Brazilian prisons / Roy D. King and Bruna Valensia -- Order through honor : masculinity and the use of temporary release in a Greek prison / Leonidas K. Cheliotis -- Sumud : a Palestinian philosophy of confrontation in colonial prisons / Lena Meari -- The Pelican Bay hunger strike : resistance within the structural constraints of a US supermax prison / Keramet Reiter -- Against the day. The scandal of incarceration / Leonidas K. Cheliotis -- In recovery from rehab / Tony Platt -- Immigration detention : no turning back? / Jennifer M. Chacón -- With law at the edge of life / Colin Dayan -- The militarization and madness of everyday life / Nancy Scheper-Hughes.

Cuando la producción académica criminológica aborda la relación entre el arte y el encarcelamiento, se presta una atención desproporcionada al desarrollo y la efectividad de los programas formalizados y llevados a cabo por profesionales, los cuales reclaman «empoderar » y «rehabilitar» a los presos al introducirlos en el arte. Una tendencia más acusada en la Criminología académica es que los programas de arte en la cárcel y su investigación evaluativa son tratados de manera acrítica, desprovistos de las dimensiones sociopolíticas de su contexto, contenido, puesta en marcha y sus consecuencias. Con la vista puesta en intentar ampliar la dimensión de la literatura criminológica más allá de la programación de las artes como tal, el presente artículo comienza ofreciendo una síntesis del material desde un amplio abanico de disciplinas y fuentes para tratar el uso estatal del arte para controlar a los presos, y a segmentos del público más amplio, y el uso que hacen del arte los presos y miembros del público como herramientas de resistencia frente a los Estados penales. El artículo continúa con un análisis de las políticas que sustentan y envuelven la filosofía, la formación, la puesta en marcha, la efectividad y la investigación evaluativa de los programas basados en arte en la cárcel en el mundo angloamericano contemporáneo. Se argumenta que, mientras que los programas artísticos en prisión y su evaluación pertinente pueden desempeñar papeles verdaderamente positivos, se utilizan frecuentemente como medios para una variedad de fines latentes innobles.When criminological scholarship addresses the relationship between the arts and imprisonment, the focus is disproportionately on the development and effectiveness of formalised, practitioner- run prison programmes which claim to 'empower' and 'rehabilitate' prisoners by introducing them to the arts. A further tendency in pertinent criminological scholarship is that arts-in-prisons programmes and their research evaluation are approached uncritically, devoid of the socio-political dimensions of their context, content, conduct, and consequences. With a view to helping stretch the scope of criminological literature beyond prison arts programming as such, the present article begins by offering a synthesis of material from a diverse range of disciplines and sources to discuss both state use of the arts for the purposes of controlling prisoners and the broader public, and the use made of the arts by prisoners and portions of the broader public as tools of resistance to penal states. The article proceeds with an analysis of the politics surrounding and underpinning the philosophy, formation, operation, effectiveness, and research evaluation of arts-in-prisons programmes in the contemporary Anglo-American world. It is argued that, whilst arts-in-prisons programmes and pertinent evaluation research may perform truly positive roles, they are often employed as means to a variety of latent ignoble ends.

Why is it that imprisonment has undergone an explosive growth in the USA and Britain over the last three decades against the background of falling crime rates in both countries? And why has this development met with a significant and escalating degree of support among the public? To the extent that governing elites on either side of the Atlantic have been eliciting public support for their authority by inducing concerns about issues of crime and punishment, what explains the selection of crime as a means to this effect, and in what precise ways do crime and punishment fulfil their hidden political function? Moreover, how do Americans and Britons legitimate their consent to objectively irrational policies and the elites responsible for their formulation? In seeking to advance the study of these questions, the present article rediscovers the method and key findings of Erich Fromm's 'materialistic psychoanalysis', bringing them to bear upon insights produced by political economies of contemporary punishment and related scholarship. Particular attention is paid to the hitherto understudied themes of the political production of middle-class support for punitive penal policies under conditions of neoliberal capitalism, and the crucial role played in this process by the privileged position accorded to violent street crime in the public domain.

This article offers a sympathetic appraisal of Erich Fromm's conceptualisation of narcissism as it relates to the emergence, sustenance, and resolution of authoritarian violence. The discussion is first placed within the methodological debate over the analytic operations that are required for an adequate understanding of authoritarian violence, explaining why a psychoanalytic perspective is necessary. The focus then shifts to Fromm's take on the Freudian concept of narcissism, before proceeding to explore in some depth his account of the symbolic mechanisms and contextual climate that must combine in practice in order for narcissistic energies to be channeled into authoritarianism and violence. Attention in this regard is paid both to the populace and governing elites. The article concludes with a short exposition of Fromm's notion of benign narcissism, from its specific content to the conditions of its possibility.