Suchergebnisse

"The last three decades of the People's Republic of China has been characterized by decentralization, marketization and privatization. What might be expected from a developing country like China with a significant number of women in the labour force? Do the traditional values of male superiority still stay the same in the background of China's great social change? The notion of 'tiger girls' seems to reflect one of the alternative paths that is now becoming available to the modern Chinese woman. The social development and changes in recent China have provided women with access to education, employment, and independent income. Consequently, they are casting off obedient and subordinate roles and gaining more and more individual power and strength outside the home. Using empirical research findings from three localities in China, Tiger Girls examines the deeper realities of women entrepreneurs in China, and by extension the role of leading women in the workforce"--

"The last three decades of the People's Republic of China has been characterized by decentralization, marketization and privatization. What might be expected from a developing country like China with a significant number of women in the labour force? Do the traditional values of male superiority still stay the same in the background of China's great social change? The notion of 'tiger girls' seems to reflect one of the alternative paths that is now becoming available to the modern Chinese woman. The social development and changes in recent China have provided women with access to education, employment, and independent income. Consequently, they are casting off obedient and subordinate roles and gaining more and more individual power and strength outside the home. Using empirical research findings from three localities in China, Tiger Girls examines the deeper realities of women entrepreneurs in China, and by extension the role of leading women in the workforce"--

This article focuses on how Chinese female political leaders are represented in media through an examination of the People's Daily's coverage of female Politburo members since 1949. Scholars of gender and media in post-Mao China highlight contemporary media's stereotyping of women and attribute such gender discourse to women being refeminized in the course of reform and the marketization of the economy. This article challenges such dichotomous understandings. Instead, it argues that media representation of female politicians reflects a changing dynamic resulting from the varying agendas of the Chinese Communist Party at different times: dealing with the legitimacy crises of the 1970s, presenting a positive image to the outside world in the first decades of reform, and strengthening centralized rule under Xi Jinping.(China J/GIGA)

There are few women among China's local political leadership. Current scholarship on the topic co-locates women's political participation with the representation of other marginalized social groups. In particular, it is argued that female politicians are simply tokenistic representatives of the marginalized: female, intellectual, ethnic minority and non-Communist Party members. An examination of those women who have served in provincial leadership positions over the last two terms suggests that such a characterization is misleading. Rather, the evidence indicates that women have been appointed on the same grounds as male leaders in terms of age, education, CCP membership and experience. Gender disparities in the selection of provincial leaders are in fact considerably more nuanced and can be traced to the lack of institutionalized policies and processes as well as women's ongoing disadvantages in education, political networks and training. (China Q/GIGA)

The number of entrepreneurs in the system of People's Political Consultative Conferences (PPCC) has increased dramatically in the last two decades. Although the political importance of these local assemblies is usually dismissed, entrepreneur participation suggests a need for further investigation. Based on research on a city-level PPCC, this article seeks to interpret this phenomenon further. In the process of investigating private entrepreneurs' involvement in the PPCC, this article aims to re-examine the role of the local PPCC and to highlight private entrepreneur PPCC members' attitude to and expectations from the Party-state. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Current interpretations of the People's Republic of China emphasize the discontinuities of 1949, and even 1978 to some extent. An examination of the experience of a Chinese family from 1931 to 2011 through three generations suggests that processes of elite formation are more complex and their interpretation might be more nuanced. In the process it highlights how one elite family managed to establish and maintain its elite status against a background of dramatic social change, and raises questions of the relationship between elite formation and the existence of a ruling class. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

This paper examines the education background and work history of a newly emerged group of entrepreneurs in the People's Republic of China (PRC)—women. Based on interviews with 62 women entrepreneurs in the north China county of Jiaocheng, Shanxi Province, conducted between October 2003 and May 2004, it compares and analyzes the situation of women enterprise owners, wives of male enterprise owners and those who take leadership positions in the enterprises as workshop leaders, share holders, managers and defacto managers. The results suggest that higher education is not an important element in the making of these women entrepreneurs, but literacy still matters for those who are seeking higher positions in private enterprises or setting up their own business. The interviewees' work experience corresponds to their education background, as most of them used to be engaged in jobs requiring less education. This paper also reveals the situation of one specific group formed by widowed women taking over their husbands' enterprises after their death. It suggests that these women had experienced considerable hardship in running the business.

AbstractChina's rise has been discussed in various ways, but only recently has scholarship started to examine it in relation to overseas Chinese, as politicians and commentators outside China, as well as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) itself and some scholars on "smart power" have come to realize their importance as political messengers of China. This paper analyses interview results with second-generation Chinese immigrants in Australia in tertiary education to examine how they are "telling the China story". The results reveal this cohort's complex attitudes towards China's rise. On the one hand, they are proud of China's rise, especially in economic terms, and their socio-cultural attachment to it. On the other, they critically evaluate political and social issues in China, and are aware of their marginal position in Chinese society. These findings argue against the oversimplistic approach that regards Chinese immigrants as a homogenous group acting as political messengers of the CCP.

Most existing scholarship regards private businesspeople in China as allies of the party-state, without considering how the private sector's policy influence is possible in an authoritarian state where the political elites dominate the policy-making process. Based on the large number of successful proposals that the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce (ACFIC) has submitted to the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, this study reveals the rising policy influence of private businesspeople in the past decade. It finds that their influence on government policy is not realized simply through collusion or informal ties with local governments at the stage of policy implementation. Instead, they now can voice their interests and exert influence as a group in national policy making at the central level through formal institutional channels. In recent years the influence of business associations affiliated with the ACFIC has been increasing, mainly due to institutional changes at the national level that encompass their input. This entails political co-optation that helps empower the private sector to exert influence on policy, rendering it unnecessary for the business community to challenge the political system from the bottom up. (China J/GIGA)