Suchergebnisse

The pro-democracy movement was in a difficult state in the years before the massive protest rally on July 1, 2003. There was considerable frustration with the lack of progress as no one expected any breakthrough before 2007. Even the political parties in the pro-democracy camp did not believe that democratization was an issue with much political appeal. The Democratic Party, the party with the most seats in the legislature before September 2004, and its allies could make very little impact on the government's policy-making process. As the Tung administration enjoyed the backing of a safe majority in the legislature, it did not have to lobby for the approval of the pro-democracy groups which were treated as the Opposition.In fact, there had been little meaningful consultation between the pro-democracy groups and the government.

Since the mid-1960s Eastem Europe has realized that the achievement of secularized goals in a modern society requires decentralization of decision-making power and that political stability and economic progress demand in stitutional opportunities for interest articulation. Such considerations emerged in China after the Cultural Revolution when Deng Xiaoping introduced the Four Modemizations as the guiding ideology. To improve the people's living standards and eliminate bureaucratism and cadre privileges, the Chinese reformers appreciated the significance of socialist democracy and restored local elections. A revised Electoral Law was adopted in 1979. But its implementation encountered resistance from conservative cadres and a backward political culture. Elections in China today only play a limited role in mobilization, political education and socialization, integration, legitimation and influence on public policy. Direct elections at the county level and below, however, provide better interest articulation and aggregation and supervision of local governments. The expansion of enterprise autonomy and the division of labour between the Party and state will, hopefully, establish a more direct relationship between elections in basic production units and the people's immediate material interests. This will cultivate a more advanced participatory political culture, and its development will be closely related to reforms of the economic system.

This article examines China's concern to prevent terrorism and maintain stability in Central Asia through the SCO. The situation in Afghanistan has raised concerns among SCO member countries and strengthened common interests to maintain the regional organization, regime stability, and economic co-operation within it.

China has rapidly developed a sophisticated regionalism strategy in East Asia. Minimising the region's "China threat" perception has been a significant consideration in this strategy. Unfortunately, the ongoing escalation of tension concerning territorial disputes over the Diaoyutai / Senkaku Islands and the South China Sea, initiated by a series of high-profile naval exercises in the latter half of 2010, has reinforced the "China threat" perception and bolstered the hedging strategies of countries in the region. China is aware of its relative disadvantage, and it has been keeping its options open while allowing ASEAN to maintain the initiative. (China Perspect/GIGA)

Sino-Vietnamese relations since the mid-1980s represent an interesting case for studying how economic considerations can transform two conflicting states into peaceful accommodation in an asymmetrical bilateral relationship. The Chinese leadership's pursuit of a peaceful international environment for economic development has been followed by its Vietnamese counterpart.

Due to historical legacies in Sino-Japanese relations, including the absence of a satisfactory apology to the Chinese people for Japan's war atrocities, the related history textbook issue in Japan's secondary schools, the visits to the Yasukuni Shrine by Japanese political leaders and the territorial disputes over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands as well as the exclusive economic zones in the East Asia Sea, China's rising nationalism has been mainly directed at Japan, making it difficult for the Chinese leadership to engage in negotiations with its Japanese counterpart with respect to agreements on mutual concessions. (CIJ/GIGA)

This article intends to examine the challenges facing the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong today, as well as the general political and social situation in the territory. It argues that the deterioration and divisions within the pro-democracy movement may not be political gains for the pro-Beijing united front, as the political and social polarization poses serious problems for effective governance as well. An administration threatened by legitimacy deficit will find it increasingly difficult to deliver in terms of both economic development and social services, thus forcing itself into a vicious circle as unsatisfactory performance further worsens its legitimacy deficit. Though Hong Kong people's confidence in China and their trust for the Chinese leadership as well as their identification with the Mainland have been strengthening since the territory's return to China, the latter's strong backing for the HKSAR has become a double-edged sword. Hong Kong people realize that decisions on local political reforms are made in Beijing, and they also partly blame the Chinese authorities for the unsatisfactory performance of the HKSAR government which is picked by and accountable to Beijing. The lose-lose situation can only be reversed by the enlightenment of the Chinese leadership which, hopefully, would feel secure enough to allow genuine democracy in the territory. (China Perspect/GIGA)