Suchergebnisse

Umkhonto weSizwe, Spear of the Nation, was arguably the last of the great liberation armies of the twentieth century-but it never got to "march triumphant into Pretoria." MK-as it was known-was the armed wing of the African National Congress, South Africa's liberation movement, that challenged the South African apartheid government. A small group of revolutionaries committed to the seizure of power, MK discovered its principal members engaged in negotiated settlement with the enemy and was disbanded soon after. The history of MK is one of paradox and contradiction, of successes and failures

Umkhonto weSizwe, Spear of the Nation, was arguably the last of the great liberation armies of the twentieth century-but it never got to "march triumphant into Pretoria." MK-as it was known-was the armed wing of the African National Congress, South Africa's liberation movement, that challenged the South African apartheid government. A small group of revolutionaries committed to the seizure of power, MK discovered its principal members engaged in negotiated settlement with the enemy and was disbanded soon after. The history of MK is one of paradox and contradiction, of successes and failures.

Back in the bad old days of the mid-1980s, when we in South Africa thought we were fighting a revolutionary war, we liked to believe in a slogan that some of us attempted to put into practice. The slogan (and there were many variations of it) went something like this: "In a truly democratic society, ordinary people should have control over all aspects of their lives." This slogan embraced a philosophy of participatory democracy that was in constant tension with the militarism, secrecy, and intolerance on the other side of the liberation movement. It expressed a deep humanism, a belief that people were capable of living unselfishly and of acting collectively, not just in times of crisis and mobilization, but daily.

Bibliography: pages 231-239. ; The thesis examines the 'making' of an african working class in Port Elizabeth. It offers an alternative interpretation to conventional histories which emphasize continuity both in the idea of a strong industrial working class and in a tradition of militant and effective worker organisation. At the same time, it posits the idea that there was a working-class movement which developed among Port Elizabeth's african community in the late 1940's and 1950's. Chapter 1 examines population growth in Port Elizabeth, the growth of secondary industry, and employment opportunities for africans. It is argued that limited opportunities for african employment in secondary industry affected the forms of working-class organisation that emerged. Chapter 2 examines the situation of the urban african population in the 1920's and 1930's, looking at factors which influenced its organisation and consciousness. The low wages paid to african workers were not challenged effectively in this period by the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union which had declined by the mid-1920's, or the Trades and Labour Council which did not organise african workers. However, the permanently urbanised status of the majority of the african population laid the basis for a militant community consciousness. Chapter 3 analyses attempts to organise african workers during the Second World War. It focusses on Wage Board determinations. the first african trade unions formed by the Ballingers and Max Gordon, the organisation of the Council of Non-European Trade Unions and the Trades and Labour Council, and the organisation of railway workers. It is argued that these attempts at organising african labour were largely unsuccessful in building strong industrial unions with an african leadership. Chapter 4 looks at the rise of the 'new unions' in the post-war period, when african workers were drawn into manufacturing on a large scale, and an african working-class leadership began to emerge. The response to this from the state, capital and other trade unions is examined through looking at the struggles of workers in four sectors: stevedoring, laundry, textiles and food. These sectors are contrasted with the tertiary sector where organisation of african workers was weak. Chapter 5 examines the politics of reproduction of the african working class between 1 945 and 1960. It looks at changes in the nature of the African National Congress and the Communist Party of South Africa, and at innovative strategies around issues of reproduction. The role of women's organisation and their struggle against the extension of pass laws is highlighted, and it is posited that a working class movement developed in this period. Chapter 6 analyses the application of influx control in Port Elizabeth in the 1950's, and the conflict of interests over the implementation of the labour bureau system. It examines the divisions in the african working class between migrants and non-migrants, and the response of different sections of the working class. Chapter 7 looks at the role of the South African Congress of Trade Unions. It is argued that the integration of point-of-production struggles with community and political struggles was the outcome of the position of african workers in industry combined with strong political organisation in the 'sphere of reproduction'. Changes in the structural position of african workers combined with political repression led to the collapse of this working class movement in the early 1960's.