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Drawing on interviews with over half of new Labour women MPs, Sarah Childs reveals how the women experienced being MPs, and explores whether they acted for and like women - in constituencies, in Parliament and in government.

The Electoral Commission's recently published report Gender and Political Participation captures in a clear and accessible fashion the ways in which gender determines the nature of women and men's political participation in the UK. Analysing existing academic survey research it establishes that there is an overall gender gap in political activism with men more active than women. However, it also finds that there is no gender gap in voter turnout at national, regional, or local elections and that in some political activities, such as signing petitions or boycotting products, women are more likely than men to be active. The report also raises important questions about the consequences ‐ substantive and in terms of legitimacy ‐ of women's lower levels of participation in party politics, and suggests that political parties should ensure that greater numbers of women are elected to our political institutions.

One hundred and one Labour women MPs were returned to the House of Commons at the 1997 general election. Constituting 24 per cent of the Parliamentary Labour Party, they were, according to critical mass theory, a 'tilted group' and in a position to effect change. Drawing on 23 in-depth interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997, this article establishes that many of them believe that women politicians practise politics in a feminised way. This claim is, however, premised upon gender rather than sex differences and party identity is also identified as an important determinant. The women MPs' perception that women's style is less legitimate than men's is explored through a discussion of the newly elected Labour women MPs' loyalty in parliamentary votes.

One hundred & one Labour women MPs were returned to the House of Commons at the 1997 general election. Constituting 24% of the Parliamentary Labour Party, they were, according to critical mass theory, a 'tilted group' & in a position to effect change. Drawing on 23 in-depth interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997, this article establishes that many of them believe that women politicians practice politics in a feminized way. This claim is, however, premised upon gender rather than sex differences, & party identity is also identified as an important determinant. The women MPs' perception that women's style is less legitimate than men's is explored through a discussion of the newly elected Labour women MPs' loyalty in parliamentary votes. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

The return of 101 Labour women MPs in 1997 generated an expectation that their presence would enhance women's substantive representation. And many of Labour's new women MPs claim to have acted for women since their election. Yet demonstrating the difference that MPs make is not easy. Much of what goes on in the chamber of the Commons reflects party identity, and much of what goes on elsewhere in parliament is hidden. Studying sex differences in the signing of early day motions (EDMs) provides one way of testing whether Labour's women MPs are acting for women. Analysis of all the EDMs in the 1997 parliament, some 5,000 motions, establishes that they are more likely than Labour's men to sign 'women's' and especially feminist 'women's' EDMs. There is clear evidence of behavioural differences between Labour's women and men MPs, strengthening arguments that women's political presence is important because of the substantive difference they can make.