China's automotive modernization: the party-state and multinational corporations
In: International political economy series
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In: International political economy series
In: Asia Pacific business review, Band 28, Heft 5, S. 660-679
ISSN: 1743-792X
In: Asian perspective, Band 45, Heft 1, S. 91-109
ISSN: 2288-2871
In: Asian perspective
ISSN: 2288-2871
In: Global policy: gp, Band 10, Heft 4, S. 569-581
ISSN: 1758-5899
Analysts across the disciplines have started to address the development and agenda of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), however the collective understanding of major aspects of the AIIB's institutional evolution, and related multilateral cooperation and international contestation, remain fuzzy and fragmented. This Introductory article discusses how the AIIB has progressed so rapidly in three years, and provides an overview of the unique contributions of the 13 essays in this collection, and of the ways the essays complement one another. Focusing on the main trends and patterns in the AIIB's early development, four essays address major overarching themes that reflect the multilateral character of the Bank, and nine essays provide member‐country or regional perspectives on the new Bank, highlighting variations and complementarities in interests, ideas, and priorities among the broader membership of the Bank. The Introduction concludes with some implications for future research, and for AIIB policy and programming that can be drawn from the essays.
In: International journal / CIC, Canadian International Council: ij ; Canada's journal of global policy analysis, Band 73, Heft 3, S. 399-428
This article examines the behavioural patterns of successive Canadian governments in responding to three takeover attempts of iconic high-value Canadian corporates by large state companies from China. The first is China Minmetals Corporation's attempt to acquire Noranda in 2004–2005 during the Liberal government of Paul Martin, the second is China National Offshore Oil Corporation's acquisition of Nexen in 2012 during the Conservative government of Stephen Harper, and the third is China Communications Construction Corporation International's bid for Aecon Group in 2017–2018. This analysis highlights some important similarities in the behavioural response of the Canadian governments across the three cases: ambivalence and wariness. Policy lessons are addressed in the conclusion.
In: Global governance: a review of multilateralism and international organizations, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 11-25
ISSN: 1942-6720
In: Global governance: a review of multilateralism and international organizations, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 11-26
ISSN: 2468-0958, 1075-2846
World Affairs Online
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 114, Heft 773, S. 217-223
ISSN: 1944-785X
Beijing has come to realize that multilateral organizations can legitimize and universalize Chinese interests at a time when China needs to reassure others about the way it will use its newfound powers in the global system.
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 114, Heft 773, S. 217-223
ISSN: 0011-3530
World Affairs Online
In: Global policy: gp, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 366-373
ISSN: 1758-5899
AbstractThis article examines why the BRICS Development Bank is being created and the role it will play in the global economy and world development. After describing some of the critical needs that are driving the formation of this new multilateral development bank, I discuss how the creation of the BRICS bank is linked to failures among traditional funders to deliver on their commitments, especially in terms of infrastructure investment. This article also outlines the national interests that each BRICS country has in the BRICS bank, and the main challenges that the BRICS countries are facing in transforming this idea into reality.
In: Cambridge review of international affairs, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 579-603
ISSN: 0955-7571
In: Cambridge review of international affairs, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 579-603
ISSN: 1474-449X
In: The China quarterly, Band 205, S. 18-39
ISSN: 1468-2648
AbstractThis article details the reorganization of China's national leadership training system, and analyses the reforms as an integral element of the Chinese Communist Party's efforts to adapt institutionally to a rapidly changing environment. Three main findings are presented. First, the national leadership training system is being remade under the direction of the Party's Central Organization Department to give greater emphasis to the "spirit of reform and innovation," as seen especially in the creation of the China Executive Leadership Academy in Pudong, Shanghai, and in the formation of sister academies in Jinggangshan and Yan'an. Second, China's political elite have given greater priority to leadership innovation, although they are trying to balance this with ensuring that sufficient attention and resources are also given to preserving the ruling status of the CCP. Third, by establishing the new group of training academies under the COD, the Party is diversifying beyond the Party School system for leadership research and training. The article suggests that the guiding logic behind these reforms is to promote enough innovation in managerial training and research to enable the Party to meet the changing governance requirements of the market transition and economic globalization, while at the same time putting in place institutional measures that help to preserve the Party's rule.
In: The China quarterly, Heft 205, S. 18-39
ISSN: 1468-2648