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This article investigates how the &ldquo ; constructivist turn&rdquo ; in public policy and international political economy informs the interaction of global ideas and local practice in water governance. We use the implementation of ideas associated with Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) in the Lower Mekong river basin. This article provides some explanation of the attitudes in the villages in Cambodia due to the Sesan 2 Dam, which would see the relocation of thousands of people, damage fisheries, and inflict high coping costs on villagers. Based on 24 in-depth interviews with villagers, commune heads and local community leaders, we find diverse narratives which transcend the &ldquo ; pro or anti&rdquo ; dam narrative. We find four narrative types&mdash ; myths, stories, noise and informed opinion, which relate to each other in degrees of social meaning and ideational force. Of these, the first two are more likely to be useful in terms of mobilization and policy-making. This typology provides a framework for analysis of social change in the studied villages and other contexts of policy translation. We should state that these four types are not separate from each other but are linked along two axis which together conscribe the four types of narratives outlined.

AbstractThis article operationalizes an underinvestigated element of the Advocacy Coalition Framework—the "devil shift"—on the controversial issue of water privatization. In doing so, it offers a methodological premise for investigating intractable opposition to policies that are politically salient and high in technical content. It uses the Q methodology on the case of Jakarta, Indonesia to uncover seven discourse coalitions within the anti‐privatization groups. They confirm two key hypotheses within the devil shift, namely the underestimation of a coalition's resources compared with their opponents and the exaggeration of opponents' unreasonableness. Intriguingly, it finds that the "devil" is constructed in three different ways by this coalition—the profiteer, the Goliath, and the ineffectual governor. The narrative strength of the combination of these beliefs answers an apparent paradox in the devil shift viz that of rational actors persisting in unreasonable beliefs concerning their opponents. It also offers some specific solutions on how to deal with public hostility in water privatization in Jakarta.

The rise in the number and use of third-party tools by governments have led to a new paradigm called "new governance." While this paradigm provides a strong framework for tool management and evaluation, it fails to explain the high use of third-party governance (TPG) by governments. But why do governments often prefer indirect to direct government? It is argued here that the appeal of TPG lies in its potential to provide a new answer to an old problem: the need to legitimise policies. An initial emphasis is on how input and output legitimacy could well be increased by trade unions in Singapore. This represents the first step towards a research agenda to measure the impact of trade unions on government legitimacy in Singapore, leading to a more wide-ranging exploration of regulatory regimes and the basis for the legitimacy of public actors. Adapted from the source document.

The rise in the number and use of third-party tools by governments have led to a new paradigm called "new governance." While this paradigm provides a strong framework for tool management and evaluation, it fails to explain the high use of third-party governance (TPG) by governments. But why do governments often prefer indirect to direct government? It is argued here that the appeal of TPG lies in its potential to provide a new answer to an old problem: the need to legitimise policies. An initial emphasis is on how input and output legitimacy could well be increased by trade unions in Singapore. This represents the first step towards a research agenda to measure the impact of trade unions on government legitimacy in Singapore, leading to a more wide-ranging exploration of regulatory regimes and the basis for the legitimacy of public actors. Adapted from the source document.

Policy failures are often assumed to be unintentional and anomalous events about which well-intentioned governments can learn why they occurred and how they can be corrected. These assumptions color many of the results from contemporary studies of policy learning which remain optimistic that ongoing policy problems can be resolved through technical learning and lesson drawing from comparative case studies. Government intentions may not be solely oriented toward the creation of public value and publics may not abide by government wishes, however, and studies of policy learning need to take these "darksides" of policy-making more seriously if the risks of policy failure are to be mitigated.

AbstractPolicy designs must not only "work" in the sense of accomplishing their goals but must also work in their intended fashion. Most research to date has focused on the former topic and dwells on the technical aspects of how various tools and instruments could be utilized to achieve the aims and goals of policymakers. This branch of research tends to underemphasize the difficulties inherent to policy making including policy contexts that are often highly uncertain, policymakers who fall short of an idealized version of high capacity, well‐intentioned decisionmakers grappling with relevant public problems, and policy‐takers who fail to comply with government wishes. These "inherent vices" of policy making are factors which contribute to policy volatility or the risk of policy failure. The paper stresses the need for improved risk management and mitigation strategies in policy formulation and policy designs to take these risks into account. It sets out and develops an approach borrowed from product failure management (in manufacturing) and portfolio management (in finance) to help better assess and manage these risks.

Traditionally, the policy sciences exhibited a paradoxical relationship to public behavior: arguing in theory that it was rational in a utilitarian sense and could be modelled as such while at the same time recognizing its irrational nature in practice without attempting to reconcile this contradiction. A recent behavioral turn among policy scholars has broken the discursive hegemony of traditional hedonic compliance-deterrence models, however, placing informal institutions such as norms, irrationalities and collective action at the center of the policy research agenda. To date there has been little theorizing of the implications of this turn for the policy-making nature of the state, as well as its extent and nature. Addressing these gaps we conduct a bibliometric review, which finds that the number of behaviorally-oriented articles on policy instruments have been increasing in number and relevance. This provides evidence of a behavioral turn in policy studies as well as documenting the emergence of a behavioral state, that is one which is more inclined to reconcile policy-making theory and practice by embracing the irrationalities of policy actors, through the creation of nudge and behavioral units across a wide range of domains, a shift in emphasis from the supply of policy to the demands of policy targets. However, the study shows the impact of this turn is geographically and sectorally uneven and will become more generalized in the future only if more states embrace this 'turn'.