The Schuman report 2010 on European union' is both a reference and a tool on European affairs. A reference book gathering contributions from best experts, it helps the readers to build their own point of view on key issues such as: European politics, State of the economies in the current crisis, and Europe in the world and challenges on international security. A tool book with around 30 original maps, it gathers a full set of key information such as: synthesis of political life in Europe and key figures on Europe, with comments and analysis
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Nowadays, the increasing defiance of citizens of Western democracies towards political institutions and classes governing their national democracies centres around a "populist moment", which can be regarded as a the symptom of a crisis of liberalism. If the rise of populisms finds its roots within specific national contexts, this phenomenon features some general characteristics - anti-elitism, anti-pluralism and anti-liberalism – that weakens liberal democracy, and more specifically, European democracies. These trends must lead us to redefine liberalism in order to challenge the excesses and inadequacies of political and economic systems, by putting an emphasis on the limits of the State and the market, as well as on the respective limits of demands for security, freedom and identity. To counter this "post-liberal" populism, the UE must take into account several aspirations expressed by its citizens: the need for community and identity through the issue of European borders, a response to the social question as well as a better protection regarding economic and security matters. Therefore, a narrative on a "regalian Europe" is necessary. Such objective aims to strengthen the sovereignty of public authorities, be it at the national and European levels, to protect the physical and economic security of European citizens, while allowing the greatest possible space for individual liberty. Faced with this "populist moment", it is that precise balance we need to redefine. ; La défiance croissante des citoyens des démocraties occidentales à l'égard des institutions et du personnel politique se cristallise aujourd'hui autour d'un « moment populiste » qui peut être analysé comme le symptôme d'une crise du libéralisme. Si la montée des populismes s'explique par des facteurs nationaux spécifiques, ce phénomène présente cependant des caractéristiques générales – antiélitisme, anti-pluralisme démocratique et antilibéralisme – qui fragilisent les démocraties libérales et notamment celles des pays qui composent l'UE. Ces ...
Nowadays, the increasing defiance of citizens of Western democracies towards political institutions and classes governing their national democracies centres around a "populist moment", which can be regarded as a the symptom of a crisis of liberalism. If the rise of populisms finds its roots within specific national contexts, this phenomenon features some general characteristics - anti-elitism, anti-pluralism and anti-liberalism – that weakens liberal democracy, and more specifically, European democracies. These trends must lead us to redefine liberalism in order to challenge the excesses and inadequacies of political and economic systems, by putting an emphasis on the limits of the State and the market, as well as on the respective limits of demands for security, freedom and identity. To counter this "post-liberal" populism, the UE must take into account several aspirations expressed by its citizens: the need for community and identity through the issue of European borders, a response to the social question as well as a better protection regarding economic and security matters. Therefore, a narrative on a "regalian Europe" is necessary. Such objective aims to strengthen the sovereignty of public authorities, be it at the national and European levels, to protect the physical and economic security of European citizens, while allowing the greatest possible space for individual liberty. Faced with this "populist moment", it is that precise balance we need to redefine. ; La défiance croissante des citoyens des démocraties occidentales à l'égard des institutions et du personnel politique se cristallise aujourd'hui autour d'un « moment populiste » qui peut être analysé comme le symptôme d'une crise du libéralisme. Si la montée des populismes s'explique par des facteurs nationaux spécifiques, ce phénomène présente cependant des caractéristiques générales – antiélitisme, anti-pluralisme démocratique et antilibéralisme – qui fragilisent les démocraties libérales et notamment celles des pays qui composent l'UE. Ces évolutions conduisent à repenser le libéralisme avec pour objectif la lutte contre les excès ou les insuffisances des systèmes politiques et économiques, en s'appuyant notamment sur une critique constructive des limites à la fois du marché et de l'Etat, ainsi que des exigences de sécurité, de liberté ou d'identité. Pour contrer ce populisme « post-libéral », l'UE doit également prendre en compte un certain nombre d'aspirations exprimées par les citoyens : le besoin de communauté et d'identité à travers la question des frontières, la réponse à la question sociale ainsi que la protection en matière économique mais aussi en matière de sécurité. Dans cette perspective, un discours sur l' « Europe régalienne » semble nécessaire. Le but est de renforcer la souveraineté de la puissance publique, que celle-ci s'exerce au niveau national ou au niveau européen afin de protéger la sécurité des citoyens, leur sécurité physique mais aussi économique, tout en donnant le plus grand espace possible à la liberté individuelle. C'est cet équilibre que le « moment populiste » actuel conduit à repenser.
This paper aims to outline a number of concrete proposals in view of providing detailed operational content for the project to create a genuine European political leadership and to strengthen legitimacy and democratic control of the decision-making process. The legal feasibility of each of the proposals set out here is analysed by identifying the type of reform it involves: innovation, using the treaty as it stands; limited changes to the Treaty under the simplified revision procedure; and more important changes to the Treaty under the ordinary revision procedure.
