Russia in the Indo-Pacific: new approaches to Russian foreign policy
In: Politics in Asia
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In: Politics in Asia
In: NBR analysis 9,2
In: Asian perspective, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 297-306
ISSN: 0258-9184
World Affairs Online
In: Asian perspective, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 439-462
ISSN: 0258-9184
Chinese and Russian officials and scholars discursively construct and reconstruct repeatedly the nature and boundaries of Eurasian regional integration in an ongoing process of regional order construction guided by diverging concepts that involve the Eurasian Economic Union, the Silk Road Economic Belt, and the Greater Eurasian Partnership. There is a process of accommodation and adaptation that has led to a slow unfolding of a Eurasian regional order. I draw on the English School to examine Sino-Russian efforts to maintain a Eurasian regional order rather than to slip into an unbridled rivalry for spheres of influence. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: Asian perspective, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 297-306
ISSN: 2288-2871
In: Asian perspective, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 439-462
ISSN: 2288-2871
In: China perspectives, Band 2016, Heft 2, S. 15-24
ISSN: 1996-4617
In: China’s Rise and Changing Order in East Asia, S. 173-196
In: China perspectives: Shenzhou-zhanwang, Heft 2, S. 15-24
ISSN: 2070-3449, 1011-2006
Global energy governance institutions pressure China, which has ungoverned domestic energy spaces, to reform and strengthen its capacity for domestic energy governance. Rather than reform, China has attempted to create an alternative global energy order and establish a leadership role using the BRICS framework. However, BRICS exist in the global ungoverned energy space and have not prioritised energy governance. Additionally, BRICS practice shared leadership, undermining potential Chinese leadership. Beijing has subsequently shifted to the "Silk Road Economic Belt," a vehicle for uncontested Chinese leadership in energy. (China Perspect/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: The Mongolian journal of international affairs, Heft 11, S. 104-128
ISSN: 1023-3741
The Mongolian Journal of International Affairs; Number 11, 2004, Page 104-128 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i11.110
In: Journal of contemporary China, Band 19, Heft 67, S. 871-890
ISSN: 1067-0564
Although China and the US are starting their fourth decade of energy cooperation, it is only recently that there has been a concerted US effort to create a framework for US-China bilateral energy relations. The past 30 years have witnessed many successful energy projects that have lacked follow through and institutionalization, often becoming 'one-off' exercises that duplicated previous projects. Recent initiatives intend to establish long-term linkages between US and Chinese energy bureaucracies, linking energy efficiency, energy security, and environmental issues. The US is nesting the bilateral relationship in global and Asia-Pacific multilateral energy and environmental regimes, and is also using bilateral agreements as mechanisms to promote domestic energy and environmental reform. This paper will examine US-China relations in the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate and the Five-Country Energy Ministerial. (J Contemp China/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: International relations of the Asia-Pacific: a journal of the Japan Association of International Relations, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 61-91
ISSN: 1470-4838
In: Journal of contemporary China, Band 19, Heft 67, S. 871-889
ISSN: 1469-9400
In: Asian perspective, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 107-149
ISSN: 2288-2871
In: Asian perspective, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 107-149
ISSN: 0258-9184
Japan has pursued a grand strategy of creating an East Asian maritime order with a special emphasis on situating a U.S.-Japan-China trilateral arrangement, based on cooperative security, at the core of an East Asian maritime regime. The United States and China have slowly adopted some of this Japanese strategy. This article examines the lessons East Asia has learned from several maritime security initiatives-America's Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) and its Regional Maritime Security Initiative (RMSI), Japan's ReCAAP, and Southeast Asia's MALSINDO-that were applied to the anti-piracy operations off the Somali coast and the Gulf of Aden. Despite the influence of Japan's strategy for maritime security, paradoxically it has responded more slowly in its deployment to the Gulf of Aden, contributing to the traditional image of Japan as a reactive state. The institutional design of maritime regimes in the Gulf of Aden and in East Asia is thus incrementally unfolding; maritime cooperation is taking place in an ad hoc, bottom-up manner with very uncertain outcomes. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)
World Affairs Online