Suchergebnisse

This report explores challenges to political participation of mobile EU citizens in Greece. It discusses electoral rights of non-resident citizens and non-citizen residents from the EU in European Parliament and local elections. The report also offers recommendations on how to increase political participation of mobile EU citizens in this country. ; This report was funded by the European Union's Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). The content of this report represents the views of the author only and is his/her sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains.

This report explores challenges to political participation of mobile EU citizens in Greece. It discusses electoral rights of non-resident citizens and non-citizen residents from the EU in European Parliament and local elections. The report also offers recommendations on how to increase political participation of mobile EU citizens in this country. ; This report was funded by the European Union's Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). The content of this report represents the views of the author only and is his/her sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains.

PurposeTests for the existence of a long‐run relationship between real wages and employment, utilising annual data from 1961‐1996 for a panel of 12 European Union countries.Design/methodology/approachApplies modern time series techniques organised around panel unit root and panel cointegration tests to draw sharper conclusions from the short time series that are typically available.FindingsIndicates that a long‐run relationship between real wages and employment cannot be established. This being so, little success is expected in bringing down unemployment, the most pressing problem in the European Union, by reducing real wages.Originality/valueInvestigates the long‐run relationship between real wages and employment by conducting more reliable tests in the context of 12 European countries, namely Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Spain, France, Ireland, Italy, The Netherlands, Portugal, the UK, Norway and Finland over the period 1961‐1996.

This paper seeks to contribute to our understanding of the formation of policy networks. Research suggests that organisations collaborate with those that are perceived to be influential in order to access scarce political resources. Other studies show that organisations prefer to interact with those that share core policy beliefs on the basis of trust. We seek to develop new analytical tools for testing these alternative hypotheses. First, we measure whether perceptions of reputational leadership affect the likelihood of an organisation being the target or instigator of collaboration with others. Second, we test whether the degree of preference similarity between two organisations makes them more or less likely to collaborate. The paper adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining Exponential Random Graph Models (ERGM) with qualitative interviews, to analyse and explain organisational collaboration around UK banking reform. We find that reputational leadership and preference similarity exert a strong, positive and complementary effect on network formation. In particular, leadership is significant whether this is measured as an organisational attribute or as an individually-held perception. We also find evidence of closed or clique-like network structures, and heterophily effects based on organisational type. These results offer significant new insights into the formation of policy networks in the banking sector and the drivers of collaboration between financial organisations.

AbstractThis article contributes to our understanding of the formation of policy networks. Research suggests that organisations collaborate with those that are perceived to be influential in order to access scarce political resources. Other studies show that organisations prefer to interact with those that share core policy beliefs on the basis of trust. This article seeks to develop new analytical tools for testing these alternative hypotheses. First, it measures whether perceptions of reputational leadership affect the likelihood of an organisation being the target or instigator of collaboration with others. Second, it tests whether the degree of preference similarity between two organisations makes them more or less likely to collaborate. The article adopts a mixed‐methods approach, combining exponential random graph models (ERGM) with qualitative interviews, to analyse and explain organisational collaboration around United Kingdom banking reform. It is found that reputational leadership and preference similarity exert a strong, positive and complementary effect on network formation. In particular, leadership is significant whether this is measured as an organisational attribute or as an individually held perception. Evidence is also found of closed or clique‐like network structures, and heterophily effects based on organisational type. These results offer significant new insights into the formation of policy networks in the banking sector and the drivers of collaboration between financial organisations.

In a stochastic frontier setting, we examine technical efficiency in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Evidence suggests that in addition to economic indicators, political and social ones play a key role in development and frontier technical efficiency profiles. The MENA have been characterized by increasing economic efficiency over time but with marked polarization. The paper analyses and nest many key hypotheses in the literature e.g., the contributions of religion, of natural resources, demographic pressures, human capital etc. The originality of our contribution is the use of a large data set (including principal components), and extensive robustness checks. The paper should set a comprehensive benchmark and cross check for related studies of development technical efficiency.