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Populism and nationalism are often grouped together as phenomena challenging international cooperation. This article argues that, despite these similarities, international relations and foreign policy scholarship can and should distinguish analytically between them. Populism and nationalism differ in how they visualise and articulate the boundaries of the political community and its relationship with political authority. Also, populism can be distinguished from nationalism in that the political community it discursively constructs and mobilises is temporally and territorially particularistic, holding different interests from those of the historically universal nation. These differences imply that populism and nationalism express themselves in distinct, although often overlapping, discourses in foreign policy. The article develops a typology of foreign policy discourses created by the intertwining of populism and nationalism and applies it to an analysis of Greek foreign policy during the decade of the Eurozone crisis (2010–19).

Populism and nationalism are often grouped together as phenomena challenging international cooperation. This article argues that, despite these similarities, international relations and foreign policy scholarship can and should distinguish analytically between them. Populism and nationalism differ in how they visualise and articulate the boundaries of the political community and its relationship with political authority. Also, populism can be distinguished from nationalism in that the political community it discursively constructs and mobilises is temporally and territorially particularistic, holding different interests from those of the historically universal nation. These differences imply that populism and nationalism express themselves in distinct, although often overlapping, discourses in foreign policy. The article develops a typology of foreign policy discourses created by the intertwining of populism and nationalism and applies it to an analysis of Greek foreign policy during the decade of the Eurozone crisis (2010–19).

Research on the party politics of the EU has grown substantially in the last three decades, however important gaps remain in our understanding of the internal workings of EU partisan actors. Three new books shed light on this neglected dimension. Employing thorough qualitative, participatory and historical research methods, these books open the 'black box' of transnational European party politics by analyzing the networks, connections and practices of partisan actors in the European Parliament. The findings of the books demonstrate the highly informal, but no less important, influence party politics exert on the functioning and policy outputs of EU institutions. The implication for future research is that party politics must be taken seriously in EU studies, particularly by acknowledging the importance of informality, networks and norms that lie behind formal institutional settings and procedures.

Introduction -- A new framework for understanding party-based foreign policy change -- West Germany 1969-74 : the social-liberal coalition and Ostpolitik -- Canada 1984-1993 : revolt of the peripheries and free trade with the US -- Greece 1993-2000 : rapprochement with Turkey and renewal of a two-party system -- Empirical and conceptual implications of the argument -- Conclusion.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of tables -- About the author -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 A new framework for understanding party-based foreign policy change -- 2 West Germany 1969-74: the Social-Liberal coalition and Ostpolitik -- 3 Canada 1984-93: revolt of the peripheries and free trade with the US -- 4 Greece 1993-2000: rapprochement with Turkey and renewal of a two-party system -- 5 Empirical and conceptual implications of the argument -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index.

This article conceptualizes populism as a discourse of international relations that arises as response to state transformation, a phenomenon that encompasses changes in both state-society relations and the norms defining the appropriate practice of statehood. The current surge of populism is a response to one such transformation: the internationalization of state elites and their insulation from popular scrutiny. Populism does not simply address material and cultural dislocations that internationalization entails. Crucially, its distinct discursive logic allows these partial social demands to adopt the moral claim to representation of the 'real people' and so counter the universality of the international norms that underpin state transformation. Beyond the current conjuncture of state internationalization, this conceptualization accommodates iterations of populism in various regional and historical contexts of state transformation, making it a promising basis for the further comparative study of populism.