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The participation of valencian deputies in Cadiz Courts is known by their combative emphasis against the feudalism —J. L. Villanueva, A. Loret, P. Aparisis— or in favour of keep it —E. J. Borrull— Nevertheless their significance skipped by ¡ssues that could seem far-off as the american ones. lts no so.The valencian deputies will take part actively in national american question discussions because they had a national sense of political context and because certains colonial abolitionist approaches encouraged the antifeudalism proposal puts foward from valencians showing similarities with feudal Iinks that they wanted abolish in the Peninsule. At the same time taht they did a comun front in front of autonommist proposals of the liberal state organised by te provincial deputation. Proposals definitively rejects.

The participation of valencian deputies in Cadiz Courts is known by their combative emphasis against the feudalism —J. L. Villanueva, A. Loret, P. Aparisis— or in favour of keep it —E. J. Borrull— Nevertheless their significance skipped by ¡ssues that could seem far-off as the american ones. lts no so. The valencian deputies will take part actively in national american question discussions because they had a national sense of political context and because certains colonial abolitionist approaches encouraged the antifeudalism proposal puts foward from valencians showing similarities with feudal Iinks that they wanted abolish in the Peninsule. At the same time taht they did a comun front in front of autonommist proposals of the liberal state organised by te provincial deputation. Proposals definitively rejects.

El propósito del artículo es explicar la dinámica y participación política de los ayuntamientos en la provincia y entidad de Zacatecas durante los años de transición del orden monárquico hispano a la república federal mexicana. Desde la Constitución Política de la Monarquía Española (1812) se alentó el incremento de órganos de representación local con los ayuntamientos constitucionales, lo que implicó una transformación en las jerarquías territoriales en un proceso de creciente consolidación del poder local. El ayuntamiento fue reconocido como la institución cardinal de las poblaciones, el de mayor cercanía en la vida cotidiana. Se pretende explicar, desde el análisis de un caso en el marco de la perspectiva liberal, tres momentos en su historia en los que interactuaron las instituciones, las prácticas políticas, las legislaciones generales y secundarias, configurando una cultura política de la representación con elementos heredados del antiguo régimen e innovaciones que se permitieron gracias a la prolongación de la revolución liberal hispana en el federalismo mexicano. ; The purpose of the article is to explain the dynamics and political participation of the municipalities in the province and entity of Zacatecas during the years of transition from the Hispanic monarchical order to the Mexican federal republic. Since the Political Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy (1812), the increase of local representative bodies with the constitutional councils was encouraged, which implied a transformation in the territorial hierarchies in a process of growing consolidation of local power. The city hall was recognized as the cardinal institution of the populations, the one with the greatest proximity in daily life. It is intended to explain, from the analysis of a case within the framework of the liberal perspective, three moments in its history in which institutions, political practices, general and secondary legislation interacted, configuring a political culture of representation with elements inherited from the old regime and innovations that were allowed thanks to the prolongation of the Hispanic liberal revolution in Mexican federalism.

El republicanismo en México tuvo diversos orígenes ideológicos. Se alimentó de diferentes fuentes teóricas, ideológicas y políticas. Una de ellas, y la que le dotará de singularidad, es la surgida desde las Cortes de Cádiz hasta el periodo de Iturbide. En las Cortes de Cádiz los diputados novohispanos se sintieron representantes de sus provincias en un congreso nacional, de tal forma que conjugaron una doble soberanía, la provincial y la nacional. Esta doble soberanía provocó un posicionamiento del liberalismo peninsular hacia posturas centralistas y, en segundo lugar, la reacción visceral del sector absolutista y, especialmente, del propio monarca en contra de los derechos de igualdad americanos. Tras la reacción absolutista de mayo de 1814 y la posterior represión, el autonomismo americano se fue reafirmando en que sus derechos se truncaban sistemáticamente por la oposición del monarca, por lo que las reivindicaciones federales fueron progresivamente adscribiéndose a las tesis republicanas por el antagonismo que tenía hacia la monarquía. Esta problemática se volvió a repetir, tanto en las Cortes de 1820 y 1821 en Madrid como en las del México independiente. De esta forma, la lucha por el federalismo se tornó en una lucha por la república, dado que ni la monarquía absolutista ni la constitucional de Fernando VII, ni el imperio de Iturbide fueron capaces de garantizar un estado federal. The ideological origins of Mexican republicanism were diverse and included a variety of theoretical, ideological, and political sources. One of them, a unique source, emerged in the Cortes of Cádiz and continued into the Iturbide period. The novohispano deputies to Cortes of Cádiz considered themselves to be representatives of their provinces in a national congress and therefore assumed a double sovereignty, that of their province and that of the nation. That double sovereignty caused Peninsular deputies to embrace centralism. It also provoked a visceral reaction from absolutists and particularly from the monarch against the American quest for equality. The absolutist reaction of May 1814 and the subsequent repression convinced American autonomists that their rights would be systematically reduced by the monarch's opposition. As a result, the federalist tendencies of the Americans increasingly changed to republicanism as the only way to achieve their goal. This trend continued both in the Cortes of 1820 and 1821 inMadrid and subsequently in independentMexico. Therefore the drive for federalism became a struggle for a republic since neither the absolutist and the later constitutional monarchy of Fernando VII nor Iturbide's empire were willing to accept a federal state.