Suchergebnisse

Celem artykułu była analiza wybranych aspektów aktywności partii nowych na scenach politycznych dziesięciu państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w latach 1991–2018. Autor skupił uwagę przede wszystkim na skali poparcia wyborczego, uzyskiwanego przez partie nowe w wyborach do izby niższej parlamentów, jako jednej z przesłanek decydujących o otwartości rynków politycznych. Analizie poddano także liczbę i wielkość (mierzoną skalą poparcia wyborczego) partii nowych, które uzyskały reprezentację parlamentarną w państwach regionu.

The article presents the analysis of selected aspects of the activity of new parties in ten countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the period from 1991 to 2018. The author focuses primarily on the support that the newcomers garnered in their first elections to the lower chambers of national parliaments. The election results are treated as indicators as to the openness of political markets. Furthermore, the author examines the number and scale of new entities that gained parliamentary representation. ; Celem artykułu była analiza wybranych aspektów aktywności partii nowych na scenach politycznych dziesięciu państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w latach 1991–2018. Autor skupił uwagę przede wszystkim na skali poparcia wyborczego, uzyskiwanego przez partie nowe w wyborach do izby niższej parlamentów, jako jednej z przesłanek decydujących o otwartości rynków politycznych. Analizie poddano także liczbę i wielkość (mierzoną skalą poparcia wyborczego) partii nowych, które uzyskały reprezentację parlamentarną w państwach regionu.

Artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 3 (2018), strony 67-74 ; Tytuł nagłówkowy. ; Artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 3 (2018), strony 67-74 ; Tytuł nagłówkowy.

The purpose of this article is to present and analyze individual interviews conducted with the participants of the Citizens' Assembly in Wrocław in order to identify the main motivations behind their will to participate, as well as what participatory strategies they are likely to adapt. The article is situated between empirical and political analysis, theory of participation, and political psychology. This way we are able to identify seven attitudes presented by participants in three areas: understanding of interests, democracy, and political process. These attitudes differ, the consensual approach being the one we identify as the most desirable for public deliberation, and particular ones — the so-called free-riders — the main challenge that needs to be addressed.

Among the social and political outcomes of the pandemic in Poland, one should list the development of anti-COVID social movements. Their specific character, as compared to other social movements, is the subject of exploration in this paper. The basic objective of the paper is thus to analyse the motivations of members and supporters of the so-called corona-sceptic movement at the early stage of its presence in the Polish political arena. Key questions the authors sought to answer concern individuals' assessment of their situation associated with the pandemic and their attitude to public institutions managing the crisis on behalf of the government. The paper is based on the results of a quantitative research carried out in December 2020.

The following article concerns selected aspects of the implementation of the quota system in elections to the regional assemblies (Sejmik wojewódzki) in Poland. This comparative analysis concerns two elections: in 2010 (before the quota system was introduced) and in 2014 (after its introduction). The key questions the authors would like to address involve the number of women represented on the electoral lists in 2010 and 2014 respectively, and the number of mandates in regional assemblies awarded to women before and after the quota system was introduced, as well as the relationship between the position on the electoral list and mandates awarded to female candidates. The authors also focus on the personnel policies of political parties. Out of all regional elections, the regional assembly elections were characterized by the highest level of party dependency. Introducing the quota system resulted in an increase in the number of women represented on electoral lists, yet it did not help increase the number of mandates awarded to female candidates. One of the reasons for this situation was the strategy adopted when the positions on the electoral lists were awarded by the parties with the largest political support. The representation of women on the upper positions of the electoral lists is smaller than the quota of female representatives imposed by the electoral law, and the larger number of women on the positions further below on the electoral lists translates into smaller chances of these candidates gaining a mandate. The source data for this research analysis comes from the National Electoral Commission. ; Artykuł dotyczy wybranych aspektów realizacji systemu kwotowego w wyborach do sejmików województw w Polsce. Analizą porównawczą objęte zostały dwie elekcje w 2010 (przed wprowadzeniem systemu kwotowego) i 2014 r. (po wprowadzeniu). Zasadnicze pytania, na które autorzy poszukują odpowiedzi dotyczą liczby kobiet reprezentowanych na listach wyborczych komitetów wyborczych w 2010 r. i 2014 r. oraz liczby mandatów w sejmikach województw zdobytych przez kobiety przed i po wprowadzeniu systemu kwotowego, a także zależności między miejscem na liście a uzyskaniem mandatu przez kobiety. Zwrócono uwagę na strategie kadrowe partii politycznych. Wybory do sejmików województw charakteryzowały się największym stopniem upartyjnienia wśród wszystkich rodzajów wyborów samorządowych. Wprowadzenie systemu kwotowego spowodowało wzrost liczby kobiet na listach wyborczych, ale nie wpłynęło na wzrost liczby mandatów uzyskiwanych przez kobiety. Jedną z przyczyn takiej sytuacji mogły być strategie obsadzania miejsc na listach wyborczych przez największe pod względem uzy-skanego poparcia partie polityczne. Mniejsza, od przyjętej w prawie wyborczym kwoty, reprezentacja kobiet na pierwszych miejscach list wyborczych i nadreprezentacja kobiet na miejscach dalszych, dających mniejsze szanse na zdobycie mandatu. Bazę źródłową wykorzystaną w trakcie badań stanowiły dane udostępniane przez Państwową Komisję Wyborczą.

The following article concerns selected aspects of the implementation of the quota system in elections to the regional assemblies (Sejmik wojewódzki) in Poland. This comparative analysis concerns two elections: in 2010 (before the quota system was introduced) and in 2014 (after its introduction). The key questions the authors would like to address involve the number of women represented on the electoral lists in 2010 and 2014 respectively, and the number of mandates in regional assemblies awarded to women before and after the quota system was introduced, as well as the relationship between the position on the electoral list and mandates awarded to female candidates. The authors also focus on the personnel policies of political parties. Out of all regional elections, the regional assembly elections were characterized by the highest level of party dependency. Introducing the quota system resulted in an increase in the number of women represented on electoral lists, yet it did not help increase the number of mandates awarded to female candidates. One of the reasons for this situation was the strategy adopted when the positions on the electoral lists were awarded by the parties with the largest political support. The representation of women on the upper positions of the electoral lists is smaller than the quota of female representatives imposed by the electoral law, and the larger number of women on the positions further below on the electoral lists translates into smaller chances of these candidates gaining a mandate. The source data for this research analysis comes from the National Electoral Commission.

The analysis of women's participation in elections has long been an important theme within political studies. Scholars have looked at factors that affect women's participation in politics in general, as well as their decisions to run in parliamentary or regional elections. In 2011, as the second Central and Eastern Europe country (the first being Slovenia), Poland introduced gender quotas into the proportional electoral system. Researchers looking into the consequences of such systemic solutions in various countries have established that the intended goal of increasing the proportion of women in legislative bodies has not always been achieved. In fact, the outcomes have varied widely. Such discrepancies invite further examination. The presented study focuses on regional assembly elections in Poland between 2010 and 2018. The article elaborates on and complements the results of the authors' prior work on the 2010 and 2014 elections. The research looks at how effective women were in winning the available mandates, what were their placements and which parties managed to get most women into the assemblies.

On 26 January 2023, a law amending the Electoral Code was adopted. The article aims to analyse the accepted solutions in the context of current political practice and voters' decisions. The publication is enriched with considerations on research on voter turnout and absenteeism, as well as a description of the main changes introduced by the 2011 amendment to the Electoral Code.