This book explores the political integration of Muslims and Islam across contemporary democracies. The author focuses on France, a country in which the integration of Muslims is usually seen as being problematic and controversial, and which is struggling with both Islamic radicalisation on the one hand, and the new wave of extreme-right populism on the other. Whereas conventional approaches to the topic of the integration of Muslims in France have tended to focus on single methods and sources, such as demographic characteristics or cultural and economic resources, the 'field mixed-method approach' offered in this book allows for a more nuanced analysis. It sheds new light on the interactive dynamics between policy processes, the role of key meso-level actors such as movements and associations, and the political entrepreneurship of Muslims themselves within the overarching frame of French citizenship. The book thus assesses the extent to which a broad set of interactions link Muslim French to the broader community of French citizens.--
Après le dossier sur " les Français issus de l'immigration ", ce dossier présente une grande enquête européenne, coordonnée sur la question de l'immigration telle qu'elle est prise en charge par le politique et le sociétal. Manlio Cinalli propose un aperçu des questions au centre du projet de recherche qu'il dirige ici au CEVIPOF dans le cadre du FP6 de la Commission européenne. Didier Chabanet, visiting professor à l'Université de Hong Kong pour l'année 2005-06, participe également à ce projet, en qualité de co-responsable scientifique. Il présente ici un article "De la question sociale aux problèmes urbains : l'exemple de Vaux-en-Velin". Cette recherche* se caractérise par sa dimension comparative européenne (Espagne, France, Grande-Bretagne, Hongrie, Italie et Suisse). Ce projet intitulé LOCALMULTIDEM porte non seulement sur les immigrés comme individus et groupes ethniques, mais s'attache aussi à étudier les réseaux qui les relient (ou les opposent) aux autres acteurs des sociétés d'accueil. Est également intégrée l'étude des lois et des politiques publiques avec une analyse systématique du discours public. L'immigration peut ainsi devenir un carrefour de dialogue et de débat fécond entre différentes traditions de recherche. Un carrefour pour l'échange entre les spécialistes des différents niveaux de gouvernance (local, national et européen) et entre les utilisateurs de différentes méthodes, qualitatives et quantitatives. Tout cela pour déboucher finalement sur une réflexion plus large relative aux sociétés européennes contemporaines face aux nouvelles 'obligations' de démocraties ouvertes et multiculturelles. * L'équipe CEVIPOF qui participe à ce projet européen comprend Manlio Cinalli, Florence Haegel, Patrick Le Galés, Nonna Mayer, et Vincent Tiberj. Le projet, coordonné par Laura Morales à l'Université de Murcie, comprend six équipes européennes : France: CEVIPOF/FNSP, project leader Manlio Cinalli ; Hongrie: MTAKI, project leaders Andras Kovats and Endre Sik ; Italie: Univ. Trento, project leader Mario ...
Après le dossier sur " les Français issus de l'immigration ", ce dossier présente une grande enquête européenne, coordonnée sur la question de l'immigration telle qu'elle est prise en charge par le politique et le sociétal. Manlio Cinalli propose un aperçu des questions au centre du projet de recherche qu'il dirige ici au CEVIPOF dans le cadre du FP6 de la Commission européenne. Didier Chabanet, visiting professor à l'Université de Hong Kong pour l'année 2005-06, participe également à ce projet, en qualité de co-responsable scientifique. Il présente ici un article "De la question sociale aux problèmes urbains : l'exemple de Vaux-en-Velin". Cette recherche* se caractérise par sa dimension comparative européenne (Espagne, France, Grande-Bretagne, Hongrie, Italie et Suisse). Ce projet intitulé LOCALMULTIDEM porte non seulement sur les immigrés comme individus et groupes ethniques, mais s'attache aussi à étudier les réseaux qui les relient (ou les opposent) aux autres acteurs des sociétés d'accueil. Est également intégrée l'étude des lois et des politiques publiques avec une analyse systématique du discours public. L'immigration peut ainsi devenir un carrefour de dialogue et de débat fécond entre différentes traditions de recherche. Un carrefour pour l'échange entre les spécialistes des différents niveaux de gouvernance (local, national et européen) et entre les utilisateurs de différentes méthodes, qualitatives et quantitatives. Tout cela pour déboucher finalement sur une réflexion plus large relative aux sociétés européennes contemporaines face aux nouvelles 'obligations' de démocraties ouvertes et multiculturelles. * L'équipe CEVIPOF qui participe à ce projet européen comprend Manlio Cinalli, Florence Haegel, Patrick Le Galés, Nonna Mayer, et Vincent Tiberj. Le projet, coordonné par Laura Morales à l'Université de Murcie, comprend six équipes européennes : France: CEVIPOF/FNSP, project leader Manlio Cinalli ; Hongrie: MTAKI, project leaders Andras Kovats and Endre Sik ; Italie: Univ. Trento, project leader Mario Diani ; Espagne: Univ. Murcie, project leader Laura Morales ; Suisse: Univ. Genève, project leader Marco Giugni; Grande-Bretagne: Univ. Leeds, project leader Paul Statham. Le site du projet LOCALMULTIDEM.
This paper gives an original twist to main theories of mobilisation and collective action through the use of conceptual and methodological tools of network analysis in order to explore the notion of 'relational structures'. It emphasises that inter-organisational exchanges specific to the political or sub-political issue field within which collective actors mobilise and interact have an important impact upon collective action. This paper focuses on the study of this specific impact. In particular, it constructs a conceptual space of relational structures, which leads to the formulation of a series of hypotheses about the development of collective action across different fields. Relevant patterns of collective action are then matched with empirical findings on relational structures in the two fields of asylum and unemployment in Britain, providing an initial positive assessment of the overall framework, and hence, opening space for further empirical testing and theoretical refinement.
This paper gives an original twist to main theories of mobilisation and collective action through the use of conceptual and methodological tools of network analysis in order to explore the notion of 'relational structures'. It emphasises that inter-organisational exchanges specific to the political or sub-political issue field within which collective actors mobilise and interact have an important impact upon collective action. This paper focuses on the study of this specific impact. In particular, it constructs a conceptual space of relational structures, which leads to the formulation of a series of hypotheses about the development of collective action across different fields. Relevant patterns of collective action are then matched with empirical findings on relational structures in the two fields of asylum and unemployment in Britain, providing an initial positive assessment of the overall framework, and hence, opening space for further empirical testing and theoretical refinement.
Unemployment has stood out as a crucial and controversial issue in the UK. Long term andunskilled unemployed have assisted powerlessly to the continuous erosion of their welfareentitlements, with little prospect of finding work. The New Labour government has promotedsignificant reforms to the labour market in order to move more people from welfare to work.These include the working families' tax credit, changes to the system of national contribution,a national minimum wage, and the New Deal, which started as a specific policy directed atyoung people, but was soon extended to older people, single parents and the disabled. Theunemployment issue has thus attained high priority on the agenda of both mass media andpublic administration, especially during the first New Labour government, opening space forfurther involvement of civil society at large (.).
Unemployment has stood out as a crucial and controversial issue in the UK. Long term andunskilled unemployed have assisted powerlessly to the continuous erosion of their welfareentitlements, with little prospect of finding work. The New Labour government has promotedsignificant reforms to the labour market in order to move more people from welfare to work.These include the working families' tax credit, changes to the system of national contribution,a national minimum wage, and the New Deal, which started as a specific policy directed atyoung people, but was soon extended to older people, single parents and the disabled. Theunemployment issue has thus attained high priority on the agenda of both mass media andpublic administration, especially during the first New Labour government, opening space forfurther involvement of civil society at large (.).
This paper engages in a comparative analysis of networks amongst social and political actors within two specific issue-fields of British politics, namely, asylum and unemployment. In so doing, the paper aims to develop a series of arguments which draw on and cut across several sociological paths of inquiry on collective action, social movements, networks, civil society, and policy process. My analysis will start with the discussion of the relationship between social actors (movements, non-governmental organisations and voluntary groups) that make demands for other constituencies rather than themselves on the one hand, and policy-makers, political parties, and civil society groups and organisations on the other hand. This debate has so far relied on relatively few empirical accounts that are informed by original comparative data [Statham, 2001], and has received limited attention by scholars of social movements and collective action, who have focused in general on instances of collective action where the beneficiary of the political goal does not differ from the constituency group that mobilises [Giugni and Passy, 2001; Passy, 1998]. Indeed, this specific 'altruistic' relationship between beneficiary and constituency groups within the two selected issue-fields of asylum and unemployment provides one of the main conceptual and methodological foundations for their comparison.
This paper engages in a comparative analysis of networks amongst social and political actors within two specific issue-fields of British politics, namely, asylum and unemployment. In so doing, the paper aims to develop a series of arguments which draw on and cut across several sociological paths of inquiry on collective action, social movements, networks, civil society, and policy process. My analysis will start with the discussion of the relationship between social actors (movements, non-governmental organisations and voluntary groups) that make demands for other constituencies rather than themselves on the one hand, and policy-makers, political parties, and civil society groups and organisations on the other hand. This debate has so far relied on relatively few empirical accounts that are informed by original comparative data [Statham, 2001], and has received limited attention by scholars of social movements and collective action, who have focused in general on instances of collective action where the beneficiary of the political goal does not differ from the constituency group that mobilises [Giugni and Passy, 2001; Passy, 1998]. Indeed, this specific 'altruistic' relationship between beneficiary and constituency groups within the two selected issue-fields of asylum and unemployment provides one of the main conceptual and methodological foundations for their comparison.
This article uses a structural approach to the investigation of the continuity and discontinuity between 'old' urban and 'new' environmental protest, opening further space for analysis of the relationship between different mobilizations in Northern Ireland. In particular, I suggest that the 'novelty' and strength of social movements' challenges can be assessed in terms of their capacity to promote participation and cooperation between the opposite poles of established cleavages, especially when one engages in the analysis of socio‐politically polarized contexts. In this article I focus on two mobilizations. On the one hand, I show that the first Westlink protest of the 1970s was not the product of an integrated social movement but, rather, of a heterogeneous and instrumental coalition of urban and political actors which gained no support from formal environmental organizations and soon split along the national‐religious divide. On the other hand, I show that the current Westlink campaign is the product of a cohesive network, which cuts across the many socio‐political cleavages of Northern Ireland, linking together local, urban and community groups, conservation and environmental organizations, associations, universities, political actors and parties, of opposing national‐religious identity. I then take these two patterns of mobilization as a dependent variable and explain them by drawing on theories of resource mobilization, new social movements, framing and political opportunity structure.Cet article applique une démarche structurelle à l'examen de la continuité et discontinuité entre 'ancienne' contestation urbaine et 'nouvelle' contestation environnementale, dégageant ainsi un espace qui permet d'analyser le lien entre diverses mobilisations en Irlande du Nord. Il suggère notamment que la 'nouveauté' et l'intensité des défis lancés par les mouvements sociaux peuvent s'évaluer en termes de capacitéà favoriser participation et coopération entre les pôles opposés de clivages établis, en particulier si l'on s'intéresse aux contextes socio‐politiques polarisés. Deux mobilisations sont approfondies. D'une part, la première manifestation du Westlink dans les années 1970 ne résultait pas d'un mouvement social intégré, mais plutôt d'une coalition hétérogène et pragmatique d'acteurs politiques et urbains, laquelle n'a jamais reçu le soutien d'organismes officiels de protection de l'environnement et s'est rapidement divisée en suivant la fracture nationale religieuse. D'autre part, la campagne actuelle du Westlink est le produit d'un réseau cohérent, qui transcende les nombreux clivages socio‐politiques d'Irlande du Nord, reliant groupes locaux, urbains et communautés, organismes de protection et de défense de l'environnement, associations, universités, acteurs et partis politiques, tous d'identités nationales et religieuses différentes. Ces deux schémas de mobilisation sont ensuite repris en tant que variables dépendantes, et explicitées à partir des théories sur la mobilisation des ressources, les nouveaux mouvements sociaux, les cadres et la structure politique des opportunités.
