Suchergebnisse

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part 1. Legitimacy and Effectiveness -- 1 Justifying Shared Sovereignty -- 2 How Political Foundations Affect Performance -- Part 2. Sovereignty Sharing in Practice -- 3 Partnering to Prosecute War Crimes -- 4 Compromising on Hybrid Justice -- 5 Imposing a Mixed Tribunal -- 6 Sharing Sovereignty in the Streets -- 7 Contracting for Criminal Investigation -- 8 Cosigning to Curb Corruption -- Part 3. Concluding Observations -- 9 The Path Ahead -- Notes -- Interviews Cited -- Bibliography -- Index

The appeal of limited alignments -- Later stages of the Cold War -- The post-Cold War era -- Maritime Southeast Asia -- The mainland peninsula -- The prevalence of limited alignments today -- Key findings and implications

This article examines the benefits and pitfalls of international policing in Haiti over the past quarter century. It shows the importance of the political foundations for joint policing arrangements. Haiti's experience illustrates that international personnel can provide useful stopgap policing services when the interests of national and international partners converge around public order crises. However, the Haitian case also shows how weak political commitment on one or both sides can lead to vague mandates, poor cooperation in the field, weak police accountability, and stalled domestic reforms. These problems have undermined the performance of international personnel and the Haitian National Police, eroding public trust in both. Ultimately, international intervention has failed to yield a capable, trusted, and apolitical Haitian police force or a notably stronger rule of law. Haiti thus offers a cautionary tale for international policing.

In 2020, Cambodia experienced its sharpest economic contraction in more than a quarter-century as COVID-19 crippled its tourism industry, hampered foreign investment, and reduced demand for exports from its crucial garment and textile sectors. Wary of simmering popular unrest, the government of long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen sought to support the battered economy with one hand while stifling domestic political dissent with the other. Domestic crackdowns brought further erosion of Cambodia's ties with the European Union, and relations with the United States and some Southeast Asian neighbors remained tense as Cambodia drifted closer into a dependent relationship with China.

In 2019, Cambodia saw long-ruling Prime Minister Hun Sen tighten his grip on power. Economic growth continued, but with rising risks related to a real estate bubble, mounting debt, and yawning social inequality. Externally, Cambodia deepened its dependency on China, insulating the Hun Sen regime in some respects but contributing to new vulnerabilities.

Bolstering basic law enforcement is a major aim of most contemporary peacekeeping missions. In some cases, when local police forces have failed, governments have allowed international personnel to step into the breach and share law enforcement authority with the state. These 'sovereignty-sharing' ventures have had two prime mandates – to provide effective stopgap security and strengthen domestic police institutions. This article argues that external actors sometimes have provided useful emergency services, largely through paramilitary policing, but have struggled greatly to model effective general law enforcement and embed durable domestic reforms. A major reason is that most joint policing ventures have been built on precarious political foundations. Although national and international interests sometimes have converged amid security crises, the partners' commitments generally have waned or diverged regarding ordinary community policing and institutional reform. This has contributed to ambiguous agreements and undermined cooperation in the field, as well as efforts to embed sustainable domestic reform.