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THIS PAPER EXAMINES THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN BLACK ELECTORAL POWER AND WHITE LEGISLATIVE BEHAVIOUR IN MISSISSIPPI. KEECH'S IMPLICIT MODEL IS PRESENTED AND A MORE ELABORATE MODEL WHICH VIEWS BLACK PAYOFFS AS A FUNCTION OF BLACK ELECTORAL POWER AND WHITE RESISTANCE, AND THE POLITICAL GENERATION OF WHITE LEGISLATORS IS DEVELOPED AND TESTED.

This research article assessed the validity of self-reports of registration status using the Survey Research Center-Center for Political Studies (SRC-CPS) vote validation studies. Overall, reported registration rates exceeded validated registration rates by approximately 5%. However, approximately 15% of all reports of registration status were in error. Unlike turnout, misreporters of registration status fell into two different types: those who reported being registered when they were not, and those who failed to report being registered when they were. The correlates of registration, however, were largely unaffected by whether registration was measured with reported or validated data. Race posed the only exception to this generalization. The reported data underestimated racial differences in registration rates and the degree to which black registration trailed that of whites.

Assesses the validity of self-reports of registration status, 1976-80; US.

Phillip Converse's life cycle explanation of partisan strengthening implies there should have been an abrupt and relatively durable increase in the level of aggregate instability in the electorate following the enfranchisement of women in 1920. Using a technique originally developed by William Flanigan and Nancy Zingale (1974), state-level instability data and county-level instability data for Colorado were examined. These data reveal no abrupt and enduring increase in instability following the enfranchisement of women.