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AbstractThis article focuses on the forced transformation of the mass media as an institution in new authoritarian states. It aims to understand the methods used by theses states to control and manipulate the flux of news through the mass media. Turkey's media system has been chosen as a case study because the recent political developments in the country offer worrisome und devastating examples. This article aims to answer to the following question: How can we classify methods and strategies used by the AKP government to capture the media in Turkey? Why and how do the methods used by the AKP government differ from those applied by previous governments? To answer to these questions, the article draws on media capture as a framework of analysis. It argues that the AKP captured the media by using new strategies which can be divided into three overlapping and interconnected categories: capture by creating its own private media, capture through financial sanctions, and capture by intimidating and criminalizing journalists.

This article focuses on the forced transformation of the mass media as an institution in new authoritarian states. It aims to understand the methods used by theses states to control and manipulate the flux of news through the mass media. Turkey's media system has been chosen as a case study because the recent political developments in the country offer worrisome und devastating examples. This article aims to answer to the following question: How can we classify methods and strategies used by the AKP government to capture the media in Turkey? Why and how do the methods used by the AKP government differ from those applied by previous governments? To answer to these questions, the article draws on media capture as a framework of analysis. It argues that the AKP captured the media by using new strategies which can be divided into three overlapping and interconnected categories: capture by creating its own private media, capture through financial sanctions, and capture by intimidating and criminalizing journalists.

This article focuses on the forced transformation of the mass media as an institution in new authoritarian states. It aims to understand the methods used by theses states to control and manipulate the flux of news through the mass media. Turkey's media system has been chosen as a case study because the recent political developments in the country offer worrisome und devastating examples. This article aims to answer to the following question: How can we classify methods and strategies used by the AKP government to capture the media in Turkey? Why and how do the methods used by the AKP government differ from those applied by previous governments? To answer to these questions, the article draws on media capture as a framework of analysis. It argues that the AKP captured the media by using new strategies which can be divided into three overlapping and interconnected categories: capture by creating its own private media, capture through financial sanctions, and capture by intimidating and criminalizing journalists. ; Peer Reviewed

WOS:000399951800013 ; This article argues that the effects of high-level corruption scandals on the future of a dominant party depend on the existence of a rule of law system based on the separation of powers. The article will study two examples from a comparative perspective to concretise its theoretical claims: the Christian Democracy Party in Italy, which was the dominant party from 1948 to 1992, and the Justice and Development Party in Turkey. The comparison will be based on an institutionalist perspective. The first part tries to provide a theoretical clarification of the concepts of predominant party systems and corruption. The second part discusses whether the Turkish and Italian party systems can be classified as predominant and the characteristics of these systems. The final section seeks to draw out similarities and differences between these two systems and the effects corruption has on them.

Political Science Conference, POLITSCI '14 -- DEC 10-12, 2014 -- Istanbul Univ, Istanbul, TURKEY ; WOS:000469908100001 ; Democracy and democratization have become concepts widely used in international politics as well as in academic studies; It is possible to define democracy based on different criteria. One of the common points of these definitions is the fact that democracy is based on an order where subjects interact and participate in the decision-making process through different ways. The participation of subjects necessitates the existence of a public sphere exempted from political violence or the threat of violence. In this context, the thesis of neoliberalism that small government would help the decrease of state violence has created a fictive link between democracy and neoliberalism. However, the withdrawal of state (in particular from the economic sphere) did not bring the decrease of state violence, especially in the democratising countries. On the contrary, violence was transformed into an integral part of neoliberal state. This study aims to demonstrate that the neoliberal transformation in democratising countries causes the intensification of state violence. In the first part, the framework of the relations between neoliberalism and state violence will be studied by different points of view. It is important to make this distinct and to understand that violence is inherent to the system itself. But it is also necessary to examine state violence acts that reflect structural problems of neoliberal system. These reflections directly influence the struggle in the public sphere especially in the democratising countries. In the second part, the increasing violence used by the Justice and Development Party government in Turkey will be studied as an example of the problem of violence inherent to the neoliberal state. In this context, the paper will emphasize that the neoliberalism is not only an economic policy, but also a social and political project. ; Istanbul Univ, Dept Int Relat, Polit Sci Unit, DAKAM Eastern Mediterranean Acad Res Ctr

This book investigates an important phenomenon in the Middle East and the Mediterranean region, namely the role that the military plays in the governments of several states of the region. Can military forces be defined as guardians of a regime in a democratic state? How is it possible to limit the power of armies to solely military prerogatives and competences? How can the intervention of military forces in the political arena in democratising countries be prevented? It is easy to ask these questions, but finding answers is more difficult. Using historical events and theories as examples to follow is an even more complicated task. What happened after the Arab Spring has demonstrated again how civil-military relations constitute an important pillar of the democratisation process.The contributors to this book develop and analyse the reasons why militaries in the Middle East and the Mediterranean wished to obtain a guardianship role and the methods they used to achieve and maintain it. The book also investigates how these militaries reacted to democratisation in their respective countries, and begins with a conceptual framework followed by examples from Spain, Egypt, Turkey, Lebanon and Iran. This work provides a multi-faceted understanding of the historical, political, social and economic layers of complicated civil-military relations in one of the world's most unstable regions