Suchergebnisse

Existing research addresses violence in youth activism from two directions, broader societal violence or specific violence targeting political action. Nonetheless, these are explored separately according to type of activism, suggesting that this is the most relevant factor shaping violence in youth activism. This article captures other crucial factors by exploring both directions together and bringing in the concept of everyday violence. Grounded theory method and situational maps were used to collect and analyse qualitative interviews with young adult activists in three Swedish cities. Three conditions were found that crosscut youth activism to shape meanings and actions of unsafety: temporal, spatial and organizational. Across the three cities, temporal conditions produced shared experiences among young adult activists with social dimensions of unsafety, which corresponded to broader societal violence. In the third city, spatial and organizational conditions produced different experiences with political dimensions of unsafety, which corresponded to specific violence targeting political action.

Existing research addresses violence in youth activism from two directions, broader societal violence or specific violence targeting political action. Nonetheless, these are explored separately according to type of activism, suggesting that this is the most relevant factor shaping violence in youth activism. This article captures other crucial factors by exploring both directions together and bringing in the concept of everyday violence. Grounded theory method and situational maps were used to collect and analyse qualitative interviews with young adult activists in three Swedish cities. Three conditions were found that crosscut youth activism to shape meanings and actions of unsafety: temporal, spatial and organizational. Across the three cities, temporal conditions produced shared experiences among young adult activists with social dimensions of unsafety, which corresponded to broader societal violence. In the third city, spatial and organizational conditions produced different experiences with political dimensions of unsafety, which corresponded to specific violence targeting political action.

This article aims to locate the social practices of activist groups online and clarify how they collectively practice gender and race. It draws upon a qualitative study of two locale‐oriented groups that sought to improve safe public space in their respective cities in Sweden. Using Grounded Theory method, I observed and analyzed each group's public Facebook site from initiation until decline or maintenance. The findings captured five routine behaviors done by the groups in a tacit manner: responding to a concrete incident, creating meaningful participation, fostering substantive debate, formulating a long‐term vision, and questioning social hierarchies. Working with theories of social, gendered, and racialized practices, I analyze these behaviors as practices available to the activist groups to do, yet open for social change through their performance. Although all five practices were detected among both groups, the two groups performed them differently and this had consequences for their maintenance as well as their ability to challenge gender and racial hierarchies. The analysis makes an important contribution to social movement scholarship by showing how tacit and routine behavior forms the backbone of any collective action and is a crucial site for the (re)construction of social hierarchies.

The article examines how two reproductive rights coalitions in Peru adjust their framing by way of regular interactions with other collective actors. Qualitative data were gathered from the coalitions in the regions of Arequipa and Cusco. The findings demonstrate how the coalitions engage in framing practices not only among their members as they select and refine advocacy goals and strategies, but also by means of interaction, communication, and negotiation with a range of organized social and political actors. Through these interactions, coalition members adjust their framing of reproductive rights in response to what they perceive from other actors, taking frames from them and directing frames back to them. These interactions occur within broader political and cultural contexts consisting of stable and variable opportunity structures. Thus, the coalitions' framing practices entail stretching favorable interpretations among allies and neutral actors, while pushing back the boundaries in which the Catholic Church leadership attempts to transmit its own interpretations.

The article examines how two reproductive rights coalitions in Peru adjust their framing by way of regular interactions with other collective actors. Qualitative data were gathered from the coalitions in the regions of Arequipa and Cusco. The findings demonstrate how the coalitions engage in framing practices not only among their members as they select and refine advocacy goals and strategies, but also by means of interaction, communication, and negotiation with a range of organized social and political actors. Through these interactions, coalition members adjust their framing of reproductive rights in response to what they perceive from other actors, taking frames from them and directing frames back to them. These interactions occur within broader political and cultural contexts consisting of stable and variable opportunity structures. Thus, the coalitions' framing practices entail stretching favorable interpretations among allies and neutral actors, while pushing back the boundaries in which the Catholic Church leadership attempts to transmit its own interpretations. Adapted from the source document.

With its origins in the early 1990s, feminist advocacy directed at influencing public policies is a relatively new phenomenon in Latin America that is commonly studied at the national level. The aim of this thesis was to study feminist advocacy on reproductive rights at the sub-national level in Peru. Specifically, it explored two research questions: how do feminist movements carry out advocacy to intervene with government agencies and what effects does their advocacy have on policies. This aim ties in with the body of literature that seeks to explain how and what outcomes are produced by social movements. Grounded Theory was used to collect and analyze empirical materials on two reproductive rights coalitions and their members in Arequipa and Cusco, Peru. Empirical materials consisted of focus group discussions, individual interviews and participant observation. Data analysis resulted in two core categories: Coalition-Government Interactions and Policy Outcomes. Linked to the core categories are thirteen categories, which constitute factors that the reproductive rights coalitions "deal with" or "strategize about" in order to interact with government officials and attain policy outcomes. The coalitions maneuver those factors they have immediate control over - tactics, organization, framing and emotions - as a means to deal with those factors they do not have immediate control over - relationships with other policy actors as well as political, cultural and social contexts. The findings help refine existing theories on how and what outcomes are attained by social movements. The coalitions and their members influence policies through various channels by developing an array of interactions with government officials. This allows the coalitions to handle potential constraints on their ability to be a critical voice. Political, cultural and social contexts are not the only external factors affecting the coalitions' influence on policies. Another key external factor is their relationships with other policy actors comprised of a range of organized political and social groups. Concerning internal factors, the coalitions and their members rely on framing activities and emotion work in addition to organization and tactics. Indeed, the coalitions and their members engage in framing activities and emotion work by means of their relationships with other policy actors to influence policies. Finally, the coalitions perceive effects of their advocacy including, but not limited to, the modification of laws and policies. Instead, outcomes were identified along different stages of the policy process, including the impact of coalition frames on policy positions.

This article examines Peru's population policy since the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development and assesses to what extent its policies and programmes have affected reproductive health and rights. It is drawn from data collected during ongoing monitoring of sexual and reproductive health policies and programmes in Peru since 1998 for the Centre for Health and Gender Equity (CHANGE). Accomplishments since 1994 in Peru demonstrate good faith on the part of the government and foreign donors to make progress towards fulfilling the ICPD agenda by addressing key reproductive health concerns and promoting women's rights. Unfortunately, this progress has not been consistent. It has been overshadowed by two periods of anti-choice policies and interventions. The first, in 1996–97 under the Fuijimori government, was a demographic approach that used numerical targets and undue pressure on women to accept sterilisation as the government's main poverty reduction strategy, which led to documented abuses. The second, in 2001–03 under the Toledo government, was a far-right approach that worked to limit access to essential services, including emergency contraception, condoms and post-abortion care. In spite of their contradictory nature, these two policy approaches have been the greatest obstacles to making long-lasting improvements to reproductive health and rights in Peru.

AbstractYouth politics in contemporary Latin America diverge from those of previous generations. Increasingly decoupled from parties, unions, and the state, young people glide seamlessly across previously assumed boundaries: culture and politics, individual and organization, subjectivity and collectivity, virtual and "real." This article presents findings from a systematic review of research on youth politics and demonstrates the new direction through three main categories: repression, incorporation, and exclusion, relationships between state institutions and youth identities; generational, cultural, and digital lenses, the innovative trends for theorizing current patterns of youth politics; and unsettling politics, the fusion and diffusion of youth political dexterity. The article concludes by highlighting current strengths and proposing future steps to build on this new direction.