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This study analyzes how public bereavement became cemented into the broad geography of Russian culture with the appearance of experiential and local memorials in the 1960s after a half century of instability, contestation, and absence. The author shows how monument builders responded to a need from the population to share an accessible war experience apart from the exclusive Bolshevik memorial culture. He argues that this development of war commemoration has amplified the role of war hero memorialization as an anchor of public stability and social solidarity in Putin?s Russia, where there is little consensus about the past, present, or future.

The existence of so many Russian war monuments outside Russia adds a new dimension to our understanding of the memorialization of the First World War, for such memorials were found not in Russia but in European countries where Russian emigres made lives for themselves after the 1917 Revolution. The construction of war monuments promised to be a good way to manage important aspects of the personal and public bereavement that Russian people faced in European diaspora in the interwar period. Emigres, moreover, also used war memorials as a means to signify their right to belong to a common European experience, and elites in countries like France, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia integrated Russia's war, through the emigres, into national commemorative practices. This article shows that transnational values like international friendship, wartime alliance, and solidarity across national and ethnic boundaries could be important parts of the commemorative culture of the war in nation-states across interwar Europe, even in Germany. Without these transnational features of First World War remembrance, which both encouraged the emigres to build war monuments and to some degree impeded their appearance in the Soviet Union, there may not have been Russian monuments to the war anywhere at all.

Historians of Russia have not analyzed the roles that the memory of World War I played in Russian life, and Russia remains largely absent from comparative studies of the war and its legacy. Russian people did have "sites of memory" where they expressed myths, displayed symbols, and mobilized public opinion around the memory of World War I. Outside the Soviet Union, a non-Soviet Russian memory of the Great War flourished in the interwar years, and the war became an important memory that military émigrés used to overcome the rupture from the past (imperial Russia) and the present (Russian territory) caused by revolution and life in emigration. The war had a different expression in Soviet Russia, where journalists and publicists evoked its image, but not its historical content, to break the USSR from the Russian past and separate the first socialist society from its enemies in the present.

Estimates of excess mortality associated with exposure to ambient concentrations of fine particulate matter have been obtained from either a single cohort study or pooling information from a small number of studies. However, standard frequentist methods of pooling are known to underestimate statistical uncertainty in the true risk distribution when the number of studies pooled is small. Alternatively, Bayesian pooling methods using noninformative priors yield unrealistically large amounts of uncertainty in this case. We present a new hybrid frequentist‐bayesian framework for meta‐analysis that incorporates features of both frequentist and Bayesian approaches, yielding estimated uncertainty distributions that are more useful for burden estimation. We also present an example of mortality risk due to long‐term exposure to ambient fine particulate matter obtained from a small number of cohort studies conducted in the United States and Europe. We compare our new risk uncertainty distribution to that obtained by the integrated exposure‐response (IER) model used in the Global Burden of Disease 2010 project for which risk was modeled over the entire global concentration range. We suggest a method to incorporate our new risk uncertainty distribution based on the relatively low concentrations observed in the United States and western Europe into the IER model, thus extending risk estimation to the global concentration range.