Suchergebnisse

In American Maelstrom, Michael A. Cohen captures the full drama of this watershed election, establishing 1968 as the hinge between the decline of political liberalism and the ascendancy of conservative populism and the anti-government attitudes that continue to dominate the nation's political discourse, taking us to the source of the politics of division

1. The emergence of neo-liberalism in Latin America : situating the Argentine experience -- 2. State performance and institutional capacity in development -- 3. The Argentine crisis : what happened? -- 4. Stabilization in 2002 : stopping the free fall into poverty -- 5. Electing a new government and facing the external world -- 6. Strengthening the state to manage at home -- 7. A new government to address the geographies of inequality -- 8. The politics of redistribution : the conflict with el campo -- 9. Urban inequality -- 10. From crisis management to sustainable development : extending the time horizon -- 11. Argentina's experience and the search for alternatives.

How do power, interests and threats influence the creation of military alliances? Under what conditions do multilateral and bilateral alliances emerge? Are shared threat perceptions necessary for alliance creation? This article addresses these longstanding questions through developing and refining theories of alliance creation and design and tests them using new archival data from Australia and the United States. The theory and empirics refine balance of threat theory through developing and/or testing other theories regarding the balance of power, threat perception, assurance, signalling and control. Empirically, the article shows that although after the 1950 Korean War the United States wanted Japan to be capable of withstanding Soviet and Chinese challenges, Australia, New Zealand and the Philippines feared that this would allow future Japanese naval militarism. Truman sought to secure regional buy-in to his Japanese settlement through one multilateral alliance, given bilateralism's costs of assuring multiple allies, but had to settle for several bilateral alliances given regional refusal to ally with Japan. The findings show that bilateral alliances incur previously neglected 'assurance costs' and that alliances are possible between states with divergent threat perceptions.

How do power, interests and threats influence the creation of military alliances? Under what conditions do multilateral and bilateral alliances emerge? Are shared threat perceptions necessary for alliance creation? This article addresses these longstanding questions through developing and refining theories of alliance creation and design and tests them using new archival data from Australia and the United States. The theory and empirics refine balance of threat theory through developing and/or testing other theories regarding the balance of power, threat perception, assurance, signalling and control. Empirically, the article shows that although after the 1950 Korean War the United States wanted Japan to be capable of withstanding Soviet and Chinese challenges, Australia, New Zealand and the Philippines feared that this would allow future Japanese naval militarism. Truman sought to secure regional buy-in to his Japanese settlement through one multilateral alliance, given bilateralism's costs of assuring multiple allies, but had to settle for several bilateral alliances given regional refusal to ally with Japan. The findings show that bilateral alliances incur previously neglected 'assurance costs' and that alliances are possible between states with divergent threat perceptions.

What causes variation in the foreign policies of U.S. allies regarding their desired U.S. military role in their region and their troop commitments to U.S. military interventions? This paper addresses this question through documenting and explaining the sources of variation in Australia's foreign policies regarding these issues over four decades. Treating the two major political parties in Australia and their respective leaders who self-select into them as endogenous, the paper argues that Australian foreign policy, whilst always supportive of the U.S. alliance, has systematically varied. This variation has correlated with the political party in power while the late Cold War and postCold War balances of power remained constant. While the Labor party has only been willing to send combat troops to large U.S. military interventions when the latter have a supporting United Nations Security Council Resolution, the conservative Liberal party has been willing to military intervene without this multilateral support. The Labor party, unlike the Liberal party, has also frequently proposed the formation and consolidation of multilateral regional institutions. These preferences render the U.S. to have been necessary for the Labor Party but sufficient for the Liberal party. Future Sino-U.S. armed conflict would provide a harder test of these hypotheses.

El artículo problematiza sobe el modo en que se están formulando los asuntos urbanos, teniendo en cuenta complejidad y los diferentes planos de la urgencia. La falta de atención política a los problemas urbanos en América Latina durante la última década sugiere que "lo urbano" no es realmente percibido como un tema importante de la agenda para el debate político. Un ejemplo es cómo lo urbano no fue incluido en los debates globales del G-20. Finalmente, en los nuevos Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible adoptados por las Naciones Unidas en septiembre de 2015, solo hay un objetivo urbano, el número 11, pero no menciona la pobreza, la desigualdad o la productividad, dejando todas estas cuestiones a otros objetivos. En este sentido, el artículo aborda las consecuencias que tienen las omisiones y la necesidad de hacer un mejor trabajo de abordaje de la ciudad, sus problemas y las consecuencias.SUMMARYThe article problematizes the way in which urban issues are being formulated, taking into account complexity and the different levels of urgency. The lack of political attention to urban problems in Latin America during the last decade suggests that "the urban" is not really perceived as an important issue on the politcal agenda. An example is how the urban was not included in the global debates of the G-20. Finally, in the Sustainable Development Goals, adopted by the United Nations in September 2015, there is only one urban goal, number 11, but it does not mention poverty, inequality or productivity, leaving all these issues to other goals. . In this sense, the article addresses the consequences of omissions and the need to do a better job of approaching the city, its problems and the consequences.