Suchergebnisse

Youssef Cohen examines the methods elites use to legitimate their subjugation of ther subordinates through a case study of Brazil. He successfully blends theoretical exposition, conceptually informed historical analysis, and a wealth of emperical data.

Heresthetics is a term coined by Riker to refer to the stratagems used by politicians to manipulate the structure of a decision-making situation. The object of such manipulation is to force one's opponents into a choice of alternatives such that, whichever alternative is chosen, the opponents will lose. The main argument of this article is that military coups and regimes are largely the outcomes of successful heresthetical maneuvers. In this article my argument is applied to the emergence of the Brazilian military regime of 1964. But the argument should apply more widely. At the very least, this preliminary exercise should stimulate more research on the strategic maneuvers that engender military regimes and other forms of political change. By investigating the relationship between heresthetics and regime change this article also shows how social choice theory and game theory can be used to complement and enrich current explanations of political change.

The argument of this paper is that the emergence of military dictatorships, such as the Brazilian regime of 1964, is not caused by an economic crisis of dependent capitalist development. Rather, it results from a polarization and radicalization of the democratic regime by which it is preceded. Democracies handed down from above, like that in Brazil and other South American countries, favor the emergence of modern forms of autocracy

The argument of this paper is that the emergence of military dictatorships, such as the Brazilian regime of 1964, is not caused by an economic crisis of dependent capitalist development. Rather, it results from a polarization and radicalization of the democratic regime by which it is preceded. Democracies handed down from above, like that in Brazil and other South American democracies, lend themselves to polarization and radicalization. They therefore favor the emergence of modern forms of autocracy.

The question posed in this article is whether the record of economic growth of Third World countries so far supports the claim that at a certain stage late industrialization is best served by bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes. A multiple interrupted time-series design is used to assess and compare the impact of bureaucratic-authoritarian and democratic regimes on economic growth in South America.

Vergleichende Analyse der Auswirkungen demokratischer und bürokratisch-autoritärer Herrschaftsformen auf das Wirtschaftswachstum vor allem in Argentinien, Brasilien und Kolumbien auf der Grundlage einer Zeitreihenuntersuchung 1945-1976. Feststellung höherer Wachstumsraten unter bürokratisch-autoritären Regimes, jedoch mit hohen sozialen und politischen Kosten

From the onset of industrial capitalism in Latin America, urban workers have been dependent on the state. This is particularly true in Brazil, where urban workers are still in a situation of extreme dependence on the state. Thus, the Brazilian setting provides an ideal opportunity for the study of the consciousness of dependent workers as well as an important point of reference for comparative study of working-class consciousness. This paper outlines the general characteristics of the situation of state-dependent workers in Latin America, with special attention to the Brazilian worker, in order to show how their dependence is reflected in their consciousness. The evidence for our interpretation is based on the attitudes of 617 urban workers who are part of a larger probability sample of the population in central and southeast Brazil.

FROM THE ONSET OF INDUSTRIAL CAPITALISM IN LATIN AMERICA, URBAN WORKERS HAVE BEEN DEPENDENT ON THE STATE. THIS IS PARTICULARLY TRUE IN BRAZIL, WHERE URBAN WORKERS ARE STILL IN A SITUATION OF EXTREME DEPENDENCE ON THE STATE. THUS, THE BRAZILIAN SETTING PROVIDES AN IDEAL OPPORTUNITY FOR THE STUDY OF THE CONSCIOUSNESS OF DEPENDENT WORKERS AS WELL AS AN IMPORTANT POINT OF REFERENCE FOR COMPARATIVE STUDY OF WORKING-CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS. THIS PAPER OUTLINES THE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SITUATION OF STATE-DEPENDENT WORKERS IN LATIN AMERICA, WITH SPECIAL ATTENTION TO THE BRAZILIAN WORKER, IN ORDER TO SHOW HOW THEIR DEPENDENCE IS REFLECTED IN THEIR CONSCIOUSNESS. THE EVIDENCE FOR OUR INTERPRETATION IS BASED ON THE ATTITUDES OF 617 URBAN WORKERS WHO ARE PART OF A LARGER PROBABILITY SAMPLE OF THE POPULATION IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHEAST BRAZIL.

The purpose of this Note is two-fold. First, it shows that Schmitter implicitly includes in his definitions of systems of interest intermediation faulty statements concerning the causal link from institutional forms to power relations between the state and interest groups. Second, it argues that in order to avoid such errors, and benefit in other ways, students of systems of interest representation should remove implicit statements about power from their definitions and explicitly state their hypotheses connecting institutional forms and power relations involving the two actors of those systems.

In the March 1988 issue of this Review, Virginia Gray and David Lowery presented a respecification of Mancur Olson's model of economic growth and tested the revised model with U.S. state data. A special feature of the Gray-Lowery analysis is its more thorough measurement of interest group effects. These investigators found interest group influences quite different from those anticipated by Olson's model. Paul Brace and Youssef Cohen argue that the Gray-Lowery model misspecifies the determinants of state economic growth, overstating the role of interest group size and failing to incorporate crucial exogenous variables. Gray and Lowery join the issue and defend their specification.