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Trilogues are tripartite meetings, that is informal negotiations on legislative proposals between the European Parliament, the Council of the European Union and the European Commission aimed at reaching early agreements on new EU legislation. Since their first appearance, trilogues have developed in practice from the need of the two branches of the legislature to manage their interdependence. Such inter-institutional negotiations have now become standard practice for the adoption of EU legislative acts. There is a clear benefit to reaching an early deal. This avoids the legislative proposal going back round the Parliament and Council for a second or even a third reading, which can add years to the decision-making process. However, trilogues are problematic from a democratic perspective: they are secluded; involve a restricted number of participants selected according to unclear criteria; and produce intermediary outcomes that have to be sanctioned by formal decision-making processes. Scholars and professionals have inquired if trilogues weaken the democracy and transparency of the EU law-making procedure and, definitely, of the EU action. Recent EU case-law addresses those critical issues providing for their valuable contribution to the efficiency of the EU law-making process, but even over the sustainable trade-off between their legitimacy and democracy shape over critics' openness and transparency claims.

The 2015 Paris Agreement achieved a broad international consensus on a methodology to limit emissions to control climate change. By its terms, the Paris Agreement anticipates individual action by individual nation-states. But underlying this principle stands the fact that climate change need not and should not be addressed only by nation-states. Rather, combatting climate change requires attention at multiple levels – national, state, regional, and local – as well as requiring a public-private partnership to engage businesses in a dedicated effort to achieve meaningful results in abatement. This article examines overlapping competencies within the European Union ("EU") and considers how various actors within the United States federalist system are engaged in trying to combat climate change. The question regarding overlapping competencies extends beyond the legal delineation of authority. At its core is the question of how to best utilize specific qualities of various constituencies with overlapping competencies to not only harmonize efforts but also to achieve maximum utilization of the efforts of different parties. Climate change is a global problem with globally felt externalities, and it must be addressed globally. It is not one that will self-resolve. Despite extensive technological advances, we cannot artificially create a livable habitat. People are dependent upon the continuing functioning of natural systems and habitats for survival. A coordinated approach to regulation among layers of government is essential to a properly functioning, fully utilized approach to climate change. This article thus addresses issues of European subsidiarity and American federalism in the context of climate change. Part II provides an overview of the basic issues at stake and briefly sketches the effectiveness of international treaties designed to address climate change and other approaches to date. No prior international effort created the cause for optimism that attended the signing of the Paris Agreement. Part III of this article takes a detailed look at issues of subsidiarity and places the discussion in the context of climate change. Part IV examines the issue within the United States, as the federal government's approaches to climate change have been dramatically revised over the past couple of years.

International audience ; In this paper, we want to analyse the level of disadvantage that comes from the island condition and the tools for its equalisation. We will refer in particular to the situation of Sardinia, the third largest region in Italy and the island furthest from its mainland in the Mediterranean Sea. However, the disadvantages resulting from the island status can be extended mutatis mutandis to all islands because they derive first and foremost from the insularity status. We will try to tackle the problems associated with insularity through a multidisciplinary approach: First, we identify and analyse the issues at stake from an economic point of view, then we try to contextualise them from a legal point of view, including a multilevel governance perspective. In the last paragraph, we will propose possible solutions for the mitigation of the disadvantages of islands. ; Dans ce document, nous voulons analyser le niveau de désavantage qui découle de la condition insulaire et les outils pour leur égalisation. Nous nous référerons en particulier à la situation de la Sardaigne, la troisième plus grande région d'Italie et l'île la plus éloignée de son continent dans la mer Méditerranée. Toutefois, les désavantages résultant du statut d'île peuvent être étendus, mutatis mutandis, à toutes les îles car ils découlent avant tout du statut d'insularité. Nous essaierons d'aborder les problèmes liés à l'insularité avec une approche multidisciplinaire : d'abord, nous identifierons et analyserons les questions en jeu d'un point de vue économique, puis nous essayerons de les contextualiser d'un point de vue juridique, y compris dans une perspective de gouvernance à plusieurs niveaux. Dans le dernier paragraphe, nous tenterons de proposer des solutions pour atténuer les désavantages des îles.

El fenómeno de los macrodatos tiene un impacto significativo en el ámbito político-institucional y en los canales tradicionales de representación política. La última elección presidencial de los Estados Unidos es una prueba clara. La campaña electoral que permitió a Trump llegar a la Presidencia es solo el último ejemplo que muestra cómo el uso de los datos está cambiando la relación entre ciudadanos e instituciones. Sin embargo, sería erróneo pensar que el fenómeno mencionado se limita a la realidad de los Estados Unidos. Los macrodatos, como se ha destacado en la literatura, difieren de los datos tradicionales (o datos pequeños) para tres características principales, las llamadas 3V: volumen, velocidad y variedad. El impacto en el lado de las instituciones políticas es considerable, y está determinado sobre todo por la fuerte capacidad predictiva como característica típica de la utilización de los macrodatos. El procesamiento de una gran cantidad de datos termina en una imagen cercana y confiable de lo que sucederá, donde los pequeños datos más tradicionales siempre se han caracterizado por la inexactitud y el desorden. Esto es lo que se aplica a la minería de datos (es decir, el conjunto de técnicas y metodologías destinadas a extraer información de grandes cantidades de datos). En una fase en la que el circuito de representación política parece estar afectado por una crisis irreversible, los macrodatos corren el riesgo de transfigurar la relación entre ciudadanos e instituciones y merece un análisis profundo.

The "big data" phenomenon turns out to have a significant impact on the political-institutional sphere and on traditional channels of political representation. The latest U.S. presidential election is a clear proof. The electoral campaign which allowed Trump to get to the Presidency is just the last example showing how the use of data is changing the relationship between citizens and institutions. It would be wrong, however, thinking that the mentioned phenomenon is limited to the U.S. reality. Big data, as has been highlighted in the literature, differ from traditional data (or small data) for three main characteristics, the so-called 3Vs: volume, velocity and variety. The impact on the political institutions side is considerable, and is determined above all by the strong predictive capacity as a typical feature of big data utilization. Processing large amount of data, ends up in a close and reliable picture of what is going to happen, where the more traditional small data have always been characterized by inaccuracy and disorder. This is what data mining (i.e. the set of techniques and methodologies aimed at extracting information from large amounts of data) apply for. In a phase where the political representation circuit seems to be afflicted by an irreversible crisis, big data risks to transfigure the relationship between citizens and institutions and it is worth of a deep analysis.Summary:1. Big data and democracy. – 2. The multi-functionality of big data. – 3. Big data, populismo and representative democracy. ; El fenómeno de los macrodatos tiene un impacto significativo en el ámbito político-institucional y en los canales tradicionales de representación política. La última elección presidencial de los Estados Unidos es una prueba clara. La campaña electoral que permitió a Trump llegar a la Presidencia es solo el último ejemplo que muestra cómo el uso de los datos está cambiando la relación entre ciudadanos e instituciones. Sin embargo, sería erróneo pensar que el fenómeno mencionado se limita a la realidad de los Estados Unidos. Los macrodatos, como se ha destacado en la literatura, difieren de los datos tradicionales (o datos pequeños) para tres características principales, las llamadas 3V: volumen, velocidad y variedad. El impacto en el lado de las instituciones políticas es considerable, y está determinado sobre todo por la fuerte capacidad predictiva como característica típica de la utilización de los macrodatos. El procesamiento de una gran cantidad de datos termina en una imagen cercana y confiable de lo que sucederá, donde los pequeños datos más tradicionales siempre se han caracterizado por la inexactitud y el desorden. Esto es lo que se aplica a la minería de datos (es decir, el conjunto de técnicas y metodologías destinadas a extraer información de grandes cantidades de datos). En una fase en la que el circuito de representación política parece estar afectado por una crisis irreversible, los macrodatos corren el riesgo de transfigurar la relación entre ciudadanos e instituciones y merece un análisis profundo.