Suchergebnisse

Self-ownership is a central concept not only in Anglo-American liberal/libertarian discourse but also in Marxism. This article investigates what it means to say that a person has fundamental entitlement to full property in himself. It looks at possible moments when pre-modern concepts of the self became modern ones, examining Locke's Second Treatise and his Essay Concerning Human Understanding. The aim is to focus on continuities and discontinuities in the transition from pre-modern to modern concepts and practices of identity and agency and the role that attitudes to property played within this transition. It also seeks to alert historians to the pitfalls of accepting contemporary conceptions of moral and civic agency found in normative political theory when they study pre-modern contexts and the people who lived their lives within them. It also attempts to expose certain modern limits on our understanding of society and people's obligations to one another by rejecting the laws of the oikos as currently applied to the political domain.

pp. 229-253 ; This paper attempts te demensfrate twe thèses: the mere explicit thesis is that beth MarsiUus of Padua and WUUam ef Ockham, come te thefr conclusiens about the reason fer, the nature ef, and the extent ef legitimate seciUar power fri men's Uves frem the same premise: that men's sensual experience ef Uvfrig life is the necessary first cenditien frem which aU subsequent ratienal conclusiens about pelitics emerge. Secendly, this paper attempts te compare and centiast seme ef the fundamental tenets ef MarsUius and Ockham en severeign power and its source, with an eye frained on the contfriuity ef politicai disceurse frem the late middle ages imtil the seventeenth century and beyend. EspeciaUy in the Anglo-American werld, medievalists tend te talk only te ene another. Early moderrrists have long resisted, imtU quite recentìy, any suggestien that what medieval politicai theorists had te say about legitimate sovereignty, its source and extent, dfrectìy fed inte these 17th and 18th century peUtical thèeries which are taken te be new beginnings of our ewn modem ideas ef the legitimate state. Hence, the secend, mere mipUcit thesis ef this paper is that a knewledge ef Ockham prepares a leader for Hobbes, and a knewledge ef MarsiUus ef Padua prepares a reader fer certam preminent aspects of the thèeries ef Locke and Rousseau.

Das Weltbild von Augustinus wird dargestellt. Dabei stehen seine Vorstellungen und Analysen über das politische System und sein Verhältnis zu Kirche und Religion im Vordergrund. Die Studie macht deutlich, daß sein Werk theoretisch von der Auseinandersetzung mit dem Nichtchristentum bzw. dem Heidentum gekennzeichnet ist und damit auf die heftigen Angriffe seiner Zeit auf die Kirche reagiert. Augustinus' Lehre wird als theoretische Rechtfertigung der kaiserlichen Politik interpretiert; zugleich betont der Verfasser ihre über religiöses Denken hinausweisenden Inhalte, die z. B. zur Ablehnung roher Gewalt beigetragen haben. In seinem "Gottesstaat" beschreibt er das Verhältnis von Kirche und Staat, konzentriert sich aber noch mehr auf die gesellschaftliche Wirklichkeit von Religion und Christentum. Frieden, Rechtssicherheit, ein religiöser Staat und eine vernunftbegabte Elite werden als wichtigste Bausteine in der politischen Herrschaftslehre von Augustinus herausgearbeitet. (HA)

Dominium, the notion of lordship, underwent important changes during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. An examination of the de potestate regia et papali genre, especially the tract by the Dominican John of Paris (1302), illustrates not only a radical attitude to property rights, private ownership and the defence of one's own in theory, but reflects important evolutions in contemporary property law and its consequences for secular sovereignty. John of Paris's analysis of the origins of property prior to government, based on natural law, is directly related to early fourteenth-century justifications of the profit economy, reflecting the passage of dominium from being a relative, interdependent, feudal thing, to independent property. Other theorists also justified the proliferation of active rights to property, responding not only to theory but also to current economic and legal practices. Such arguments were known and used by seventeenth-century writers, especially Locke, whose library holdings and own tract 'on civil and ecclesiastical power' as well as his Second Treatise, express a debt to the de potestate regia et papali genre of the late scholastics.