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Following the outstanding introduction by the authors there are fifteen excellent original articles devoted to an integrated theory of the relationship between the state and crime. This work is on the cutting edge of critical criminology. It is a must read.' - William J. Chambliss, Professor of Sociology, The George Washington University, USA. 'This book is a superb compilation of original papers by an impressive roster of authors. While the articles cover a wide range of empirical issues, from Northern Ireland and corporate crime to youth crime and heterosexual hegemony they all explore the i

Early 20th-century urban expansion developed alongside media technologies to aid communication across increasingly differentiated and divided social groupings. Early sociologists maintained that this technology was problematic in relation to the potential for social solidarity and broad citizen political participation. This article extends these early ideas in relation to the synoptic city: a component of neoliberal statecraft generating its own media infrastructure, imaginaries, and messaging pertaining to the ideal city and the right to the city. In this article, it is argued that synoptic power is conjoined with a culture of entrepreneurialism attempting to confer legitimacy on the latter in emotional, sensual and value-specific terms. Synoptic technologies attempt to cultivate common experiences 'for the many' but are in fact produced by 'the few', with the possible danger of generating highly scripted views of entrepreneurial space and 'place' through celebratory animation and strategic silencing.

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Gegenstand des Beitrags ist die Neoliberalisierung des öffentlichen Raums, die hier exemplarisch - und moralisierend verschärft von New Labour - am Beispiel Liverpools dargestellt wird. Es geht um die Frage, wie Visionen des "Sozialen" unter den Bedingungen des neoliberalen Umbaus die demokratische Debatte, die Teilhabe am städtischen Leben und die Zuweisung von Gerechtigkeitsressourcen an die Bewohner der Stadt rekonfigurieren. Im Mittelpunkt stehen dabei die Staat-Markt-Beziehungen in Liverpool angesichts eines umfassenden politischen, sozioökonomischen und kulturellen Wandels der Stadt. Individualistische moralische Vorstellungen spiegeln sich im lokalen "Markt-Staat" und in der unternehmerischen Kriminalitätsbekämpfung. Ausdruck der neoliberalen Umgestaltung des Sozialen sind die "business improvement districts". Die Wiederkehr des Eigentums als realer und ideologischer Akteur im Zentrum des Städtebaus intensiviert Grenzziehungen entlang von Eigentum. (ICE2)

Offering an understanding of the relationship between crime surveillance and criminal justice, this book explores the development of surveillance technologies within a historical context. It also looks at how surveillance technologies are shaped by existing social relations, political practices, and organizational contexts

The markedly high levels of preventable death and injury from COVID-19 in the UK have been refracted by government appeals to "British common-sense" in response to the crisis. We critically explore this appeal as a generator of harm continuous with free-market common-sense (FMCS) that stretches back to the start of the 1980s and the Thatcherite assault on state protections, "enemies within" and expertise in the public realm, driving and legitimating a broad landscape of harm under neoliberal restructuring. This is the context for understanding government responses to COVID-19 and the Grenfell fire, both of which have resulted in avoidable death and injury and both of which illustrate the role of "common-sense" in the demonisation and blaming of the victims of state violence along with a deligitimation of expertise in public health. Following Gramsci's conceptualisation of common-sense and its role in cultivating a never-guaranteed consensus for the continuance of capitalist state power, we explore the emergence of Gramsci's "good sense" in the current juncture and its challenge to the harms of state that FMCS has generated.

Recent debates have drawn attention to the centrality of crime and disorder discourses within the rationale of contemporary urban entrepreneurial rule and how these have targeted ideological and political resources onto policing 'quality of life' infractions on the streets. In extending these insights, the paper focuses upon the regeneration of urban order in the UK and how this is being increasingly practised through a form of corporatised statecraft that underpins the shaping of discourses and responses to crime, harm and risk in city spaces. Attention is given to the processes by which 'regeneration' and entrepreneurialised governance are not only 'opening-up' but also 'closing-down' urban spaces as objects of surveillance and regulation. It is not only that crimes on the streets and associated hindrances to entrepreneurial rule are selected as the proper objects of power; at the same time, and through a series of integrally linked processes, other urban harms are being marginalised. The trajectory of regenerative discourse and practice, it is argued, is resulting in a stabilisation of opportunity structures for corporate crimes and harms, whilst at the same further exposing the relatively powerless to the punitive gaze of the extended surveillance capacity being developed as part of the entrepreneurial landscape.