Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title Page -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Globalization of International Law, Indigenous Identity, and the New Constitutionalism -- 3 Lifeworlds and Property -- 4 Making Forests "Normal" -- 5 Contested Autonomy -- 6 Globalization, Intellectual Property, and the Emergence of New Property Types -- 7 Competing or Relational Autonomies? -- 8 Plant Genetic Resources, Farmers' Rights, and the Globalization of Intellectual Property Rights -- 9 Globalization without World Order -- 10 Property Rites -- Notes and Acknowledgments -- Works Cited -- Contributors -- Index.

The global scope of the changes in the international financial and monetary systems ensured that no nation-state could protect itself from their effects. The quarter-century, 1970-95, included the most extensive legislative overhaul of financial services policy since the Great Depression, if not the greatest set of changes ever. This book examines how five such states - Canada, France, Germany, UK, USA - adapted by reforming their financial services policies.

Based on a survey of all national business associations, and interviews with many interest-group executives, Business and Politics outlines the wide variety of roles assumed by interest groups in the Canadian policy process. Coleman argues that the present fragmention of business interests makes consultation with major socio-economic producer groups highly unlikely. Instead, adjustment takes place as a series of ad hoc bailouts related to an electoral calculus rather than to a more reflective consideration of the longer-term evolution of the Canadian economy and the relative economic position of Canadians. As there are no organizations that prompt business to take a broad look at its responsibilities to society at large, some economic policy options that political leaders might want to consider are ruled out. Attempts to redress difficulties in the Canadian economy and social welfare system consequently suffer. Coleman concludes that the business community is not appropriately accountable to Canadians for its actions, nor is it sufficiently organized to assume the political responsibilities that come with the private economic power it possesses. He argues that Canada could benefit from examining models of the political institutions in smaller European states and adopting some of their solutions for reform in this country

Cet article analyse le rôle que les groupes d'intérêt peuvent jouer dans les conflits entourant la question nationale au Québec. Occupant une place intermédiaire entre l'État et les acteurs économiques, ces groupes subissent à la fois les pressions nationalistes et les mouvements d'intégration économique. Nous montrons qu'en se structurant à l'image de l'État québécois, les groupes d'intérêt se sont différenciés de plus en plus de leurs partenaires canadiens, de telle sorte que le comportement de ces groupes a renforcé les forces autonomistes au Québec. Cette analyse est fondée sur une étude des associations qui représentent les grandes classes sociales : le patronat, les ouvriers, les producteurs agricoles; les professions, c'est-à-dire les médecins et les enseignants; et les nouveaux mouvements sociaux tels que le mouvement des femmes.