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"Jonathan Coley explores the unique pathways along which students join and work within movements for LGBT inclusion at Christian institutions of higher learning across the country. Having interviewed dozens of students in LGBT advocacy groups at four conservative, religious schools of different denominations, Coley is able to use students' own words to analyze their self-conceptions and activist tactics, while shedding new light on faith-based LGBT activism on college campuses. Moreover, Coley shows that there is no single pathway to activism and, perhaps most importantly, that religion and pro-LGBT activism are not mutually exclusive categories"--

AbstractPast research reveals the multiple ways that people grapple with the connections between religious and sexual identities. Some people perceive religious identities to be in conflict with lesbian, gay, bisexual, or queer (LGBQ) identities, but others believe such identities to be compatible. Some people look to religious authorities for guidance in understanding the connections between religious and LGBQ identities, whereas others rely on strategies of religious individualism. What factors affect people's approaches to understanding the connections between religious and sexual identities? Drawing on 77 interviews with participants in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) activist groups at four Christian colleges and universities, and employing Goffmanian insights, this article shows how LGBTQ activist groups' different audiences inspire distinct approaches to understanding religion and sexuality. The study demonstrates that activist groups can powerfully shape understandings of seemingly disparate social identities and suggests a theoretical framework for future research.

Why do some Christian colleges and universities approve lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) groups and inclusive nondiscrimination policies while others resist them? Scholars are beginning to develop models to explain LGBT inclusion in schools, but they have undertheorized the role of religion in facilitating or impeding LGBT inclusion. In this article, I draw from the literature on religion and the "culture wars," especially insights into religions' theological orientations, to explain Christian colleges and universities' inclusion of LGBT students. I show that communal orientations—theological emphases on social justice—strongly predict the adoption of LGBT groups and inclusive nondiscrimination policies at Christian colleges and universities. By contrast, individualist orientations—theological emphases on personal piety—impede the adoption of such groups and policies. Importantly, I find little support for alternative explanations of Christian colleges and universities' inclusion of LGBT students that focus on liberal or conservative teachings on same-sex relationships. Beyond bridging literatures on the political sociology of LGBT rights and religion and the culture wars, the article supports an emerging theoretical framework for understanding the role of religion in a wide range of social justice debates.

A growing body of scholarship demonstrates the positive role that Asian, Black, Latinx, and Native American student groups play in the lives of students of color. Yet, we currently know little about the prevalence of student of color organizations and the characteristics of colleges and universities that are home to one or more student of color organizations. Analyzing our original database of officially recognized student of color organizations across 1,910 four-year, not-for-profit U.S. colleges and universities, we find that although a slight majority of U.S. colleges and universities are home to Black student groups, most U.S. colleges and universities lack Asian, Latinx, and Native American student groups. Drawing on recent insights from racialized organization theory, and employing logistic and Poisson regression, we also show that schools that have higher percentages of students of color, offer ethnic studies majors, and maintain centers devoted to issues of racial diversity, equity, and inclusion exhibit higher odds of having at least one student of color organization. A similar set of factors is associated with the overall number of students of color organizations at any given school. Our study advances scholarship on student of color mobilization within higher education and sheds light on issues of unequal access to student organizations more generally.

Although the general public often thinks of schools as "gun‐free zones," a growing number of U.S. colleges and universities recognize shooting sports organizations, enabling students to participate in rifle, pistol, shotgun, skeet, and trap sporting events. Building on recent scholarship that employs political opportunity and resource mobilization theories to analyze sports, we assess the roles that states' political characteristics and schools' resources play in the presence of student shooting sports organizations. Drawing on a comprehensive database of 1,953 four‐year colleges and universities in the United States, and employing logistic regression analyses, we show that Republican‐leaning states, schools with larger, mostly white, and majority men student bodies, and schools with Republican student organizations serve as conducive environments for shooting sports organizations. This article represents the most comprehensive study to date of shooting sports in U.S. schools and contributes to literatures on the sociology of guns, the sociology of sports, and social movements.

Abstract
During the labor movement's formative years, Upton Sinclair was among the most vehement critics of the press for, as he claimed, a wide variety of "capitalist corruptions." The authors examine one of Sinclair's central charges in his The Brass Check, the first major book-length criticism of the U.S. corporate press: When strikers are violent, they get reported on the wire services; when they are not violent, they are ignored by the wires and thus the papers. This press selection process serves to create in public consciousness a strong association between strikes and violence. Focusing on coverage by the New York Sun and New York Times for fourteen major strikes spanning the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, evidence suggests that Sinclair's claim was, with some qualification, generally correct. The authors discuss implications of negative press as "soft repression" during the formative years of the labor movement and prior to journalism's major moves at professionalization.

AbstractA growing body of research demonstrates that U.S. politics has become increasingly polarized over the past few decades. In these polarized times, what potential roles might social movements play in bridging divides between, or perhaps further dividing, people across a variety of political and social groups? In this article, we propose a research agenda for social movement studies focused on the prosocial and antisocial outcomes of social movements. Although scholars commonly frame their work on the consequences of social movements in terms of social movements' political, economic, cultural, and biographical outcomes, we suggest a focus on two categories of social movement outcomes (prosocial and antisocial outcomes) that cut across prior theoretical categories, and we show how an emerging body of scholarship has documented such outcomes at micro, meso, and macro levels of analysis. We also consider how emerging scholarship has addressed the sociological question about the conditions under which social movements produce prosocial versus antisocial outcomes. As we argue, attention to prosocial and antisocial outcomes of social movements holds both theoretical implications for social movement research and practical implications for social movements navigating the United States' political and social divides.