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Purpose. This article examines the usefulness of epidemiologic indices in furthering the understanding of the intention-behavior relationship in the field of physical activity. Design. Six prospective data sets of physical activity were used. Setting. The United Kingdom and Canada in various settings (school, workplace). Subjects. Different segments of the population (students, employees). Measures. Intention at baseline and behavior at follow-up, both assessed by means of questionnaires. Analysis. Intention and behavior were dichotomized to create a 2 × 2 table; this allowed us to compute four standard epidemiologic indices: sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value (PV+), and negative predictive value (PV–). Results. Sensitivity was 86.3%, which reflected the high sensitivity of intention for exercising, i.e., active individuals were very likely to hold a positive intention. Specificity was 49.5%, which suggested that a significant number of inactive individuals held a positive intention. With respect to predictive values, a low intention was a very good predictor of being inactive (PV- = 88.1%), whereas a positive intention was a moderate predictor of being active (PV+ = 45.5%). Conclusion. These results indicate that intention is a moderate predictor of behavior and that the gap between intention and behavior is caused by high intenders not taking action. Health promotion programs would benefit to target factors that moderate the intention-behavior relationship.

OBJECTIVES: To examine associations between demographics, people's beliefs, and compliance with behaviours recommended by the UK government to prevent the transmission of the SARS‐CoV‐2 virus that causes COVID‐19. DESIGN: A two‐wave online survey conducted one week apart during the national lockdown (April, 2020). MEASURES: A sample of 477 UK residents completed baseline measures from the reasoned action approach (experiential attitudes, instrumental attitudes, injunctive norms, descriptive norms, capacity, autonomy, and intention) and perceived susceptibility for each of the following recommended behaviours: limiting leaving home, keeping at least 2 m away from other people when outside and when inside shops, not visiting or meeting friends or other family members, and washing hands when returning home. Self‐reported compliance with each of the recommended behaviours was assessed one week later. RESULTS: Rates of full compliance with the recommended behaviours ranged from 31% (keeping at least 2 m away from other people when inside shops) to 68% (not visiting or meeting friends or other family members). Capacity was a significant predictor of compliance with each of the five recommended behaviours. Increasing age and intentions were also predictive of compliance with three of the behaviours. CONCLUSIONS: Interventions to increase compliance with the recommended behaviours to prevent the transmission of the SARS‐CoV‐2 virus, especially those relating to social distancing, need to bolster people's intentions and perceptions of capacity. This may be achieved through media‐based information campaigns as well as environmental changes to make compliance with such measures easier. Such interventions should particularly target younger adults.

Green space has beneficial impacts on health, and there is increasing interest in how to modify green space to promote use. We identified effective behavior change techniques in environmental interventions that aimed to encourage use of green space. Fifteen studies met the inclusion criteria. Interventions were coded by reviewers using the Behavior Change Technique taxonomy (BCTTv1). Eleven studies reported an increase in green space use post-intervention. Techniques involving physical environment changes ("adding objects to the environment" or "restructuring the physical environment") were commonly delivered alongside additional techniques such as "restructuring the social environment," introducing "prompts or cues" and "demonstration of the behavior." Risk of bias was high or unclear for all, and the quality of evidence was very low. Intervention content was poorly described according to current reporting guidelines. More rigorous evaluations of green space interventions are needed, coupled with full descriptions of intervention content, to allow replication.

Curbside recycling has been a very successful neighborhood-level intervention designed to maximize waste containment, but many communities have specific limitations on what products can be recycled within their community bins and must rely on depots for recycling these specialty items. The purpose of this study was to examine an extended theory of planned behavior (TPB) that included both affective and instrumental attitudes and a planning construct to predict depot specialty recycling in a community sample across 1 month. Participants were 176 residents of detached homes who completed baseline measures of TPB and self-reported behavior 1 month later. Structural equation modeling identified a modest fit of the TPB, and 48% variance of depot recycling behavior was explained with the constructs of intention, planning, and perceived behavioral control, yet these constructs did not perform as well in predicting change in behavior across 4 weeks. Although proximity to the recycling depot did not relate to behavior, it significantly moderated the planning–recycling behavior relationship, whereby those who lived closer to the depot had larger planning–behavior relations than those who lived further away. Developing plans to recycle may help in addition to motivation, but these are still contingent on there being an easy commuting distance to a depot.

Crises in obesity and changes in the environment illustrate the need to change problematic behaviors and lifestyles in large segments of the population. This article uses social psychological theory and research to understand methods for facilitating lifestyle change. A basic assumption in the social psychological perspective is that the environment and the person interact to determine behavior. Both factors are important for understanding "upstream" and "downstream" approaches to lifestyle change (McKinlay, 1993; Verplanken & Wood, 2006) and consideration of one factor without the other may be disastrous. We review evidence from within and outside of the health context to illustrate the upstream and downstream approaches and then describe implications for public policy and intervention. The evidence and recommendations encompass a wide range of behaviors, ranging from speeding and intoxicated driving to eating an unhealthy diet and energy conservation. When armed with the relevant social psychological theory and evidence, lifestyle change campaigns are likely to be successful.