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Drawing on interviews with key international informants across sixteen countries, this book examines how child support systems often fail to transfer payments from separated fathers to mothers and their children. It identifies how the gender order is entrenched through child support failure and offers possibilities for feminist reform.

This article draws on interviews with 41 Australian separated mothers, and the government forms, information and instructions used to administer their child support and benefit entitlements, to reveal four tactics through which women's decision-making was coordinated to produce financial benefits to the state. The state pursued its preferred outcome by foregrounding women's obligation to seek and collect child support, while at the same time, information on alternative choices was made deliberately opaque – making the state's foregrounded option more likely. If women were entitled to, or sought, options that lay outside the default choice, the onus was on them to investigate, instigate and persevere with what was made to be a deliberately onerous and opaque process. As a result, the administration of Australian child support policy perpetuated low-income women's experiences of economic and social inequity, entrenching the feminisation of poverty in single parent families.

AbstractThis article provides an empirical account of Herd and Moynihan's theory of administrative burdens as they apply to Australian child support recipients. Interviews with 41 separated mothers revealed how they were compelled to engage in the child support system and then required to expend significant time and effort undertaking administrative work on behalf of the state, often for little financial benefit. Unlike the examples provided by Herd and Moynihan, in this study, it was found that child support system burdens could be used by aggrieved fathers to inflict financial and psychological harms on their ex‐partners. The state accepted fathers' imposition of costs on mothers as they shared a financial interest in maintaining women's burdens. As a result, this paper provides three conceptual advancements on the existing theory, by articulating: how administrative burdens can be created and applied by non‐government third parties, in this case individual ex‐family members; how the state can acquiesce to the imposition of harms if these align with their interests; and how the state distributes obligations and autonomy along social lines, such as, in this case, along the lines of class and gender.

This article draws on interviews with 41 Australian separated mothers, and the government forms, information and instructions used to administer their child support and benefit entitlements, to reveal four tactics through which women's decision-making was coordinated to produce financial benefits to the state. The state pursued its preferred outcome by foregrounding women's obligation to seek and collect child support, while at the same time, information on alternative choices was made deliberately opaque – making the state's foregrounded option more likely. If women were entitled to, or sought, options that lay outside the default choice, the onus was on them to investigate, instigate and persevere with what was made to be a deliberately onerous and opaque process. As a result, the administration of Australian child support policy perpetuated low-income women's experiences of economic and social inequity, entrenching the feminisation of poverty in single parent families.

The Australian government purports that employment will improve welfare recipients' wellbeing. However, longitudinal analysis of the subjective wellbeing (SWB) of 135 single parents who were compelled to make the transition from welfare to work revealed that as work hours increased, subjective wellbeing did not improve, and in some cases worsened. Participants who were employed at baseline increased their work hours by an average of 4.75 hours per week; however no change was detected in their SWB. Conversely, participants who moved from not working at baseline to working at follow-up increased their work hours by an average of 15.84 hours per week. For these participants, the change in work hours negatively predicted 20–34 per cent of the variance in SWB. From these data, it is concluded that those parents who were already working were those who faced fewer barriers to employment compared to those who were compelled to work. Those who were previously unemployed may not have the material, social and psychological resources to make a successful work transition.

Cook KE. Social support in single parents' transition from welfare to work: Analysis of qualitative findingsSince 1995, single parents have been required to participate in welfare‐to‐work activities. While quantitative meta‐analyses have consolidated the social and economic impacts of such transitions, no attempt has yet been made to synthesise the qualitative evidence. In this article, I offer an analysis of 16 qualitative articles that explore the role of social support in the lives of single mothers making the transition from welfare to work. By focusing on the functions and reciprocal nature of social support, this study examined how welfare‐to‐work programmes shift women's dependence from the state onto family and friends, many of whom are in similarly impoverished situations and/or are unable to provide adequate support. Furthermore, women are often required to reciprocate the support they receive, which creates additional barriers to a successful welfare‐to‐work transition.

The stigmatization of single mothers who receive child support proliferates in news media, policy, and popular culture. Drawing on critical stigma literature, we examined data from interviews conducted with child support recipients in Australia and the United Kingdom. Our analysis examined how women receiving child support experienced stigma, how stigma was applied to other women in similar situations, and the political implications of these framings. Our interview data suggested child support stigma can be grouped into three categories, where women were seen to contravene maternal norms, patriarchal norms, and/or familial norms. These norms sanctioned mothers' use of, amount of, and reliance on child support, viewing it fundamentally as men's money that women take, rather than the contribution of a nonresident parent to their children's upbringing. The source of stigma may have been ex-partners, child support bureaucratic systems, or recipients themselves, but the social and political functions of child support stigma remained the same: it discouraged solidarity between recipients and encouraged policy reform that further disadvantaged them.

The stigmatization of single mothers who receive child support proliferates in news media, policy, and popular culture. Drawing on critical stigma literature, we examined data from interviews conducted with child support recipients in Australia and the United Kingdom. Our analysis examined how women receiving child support experienced stigma, how stigma was applied to other women in similar situations, and the political implications of these framings. Our interview data suggested child support stigma can be grouped into three categories, where women were seen to contravene maternal norms, patriarchal norms, and/or familial norms. These norms sanctioned mothers' use of, amount of, and reliance on child support, viewing it fundamentally as men's money that women take, rather than the contribution of a nonresident parent to their children's upbringing. The source of stigma may have been ex-partners, child support bureaucratic systems, or recipients themselves, but the social and political functions of child support stigma remained the same: it discouraged solidarity between recipients and encouraged policy reform that further disadvantaged them.

In this paper we present a case study of the gendering of evidence in family policy reform. We examine the characterisation of data as legitimate or illegitimate in a recent Australian Inquiry into child support and custody issues. Using critical discourse analysis, we examine how Inquiry committee members interpreted personal anecdotes and social scientific data presented by witnesses. Data were characterised as legitimate when confirming an existing stock story of fathers' disadvantage in an unfair child support system; these data were treated as evidence of a widespread social problem. Data that challenged the stock story were rejected as offering an inappropriate basis for policy reform. We conclude that in these reforms, the type of data, be it social scientific or anecdotal, was not as important as its alignment with a priori understandings of the nature of the world and the policy problems to be solved.

This exploratory study sought to assess the job satisfaction of employed Australian single mothers who had mandatory employment participation requirements. In particular, we sought to identify the characteristics of the job and the individual that were closely associated with participant's job satisfaction. Self‐report data on job satisfaction, employment characteristics and parenting stress were collected from 155 employed single mothers. Participant job satisfaction was compared to female Australian population norms and linear regression analyses determined the job‐related and individual predictors of single mothers' job satisfaction. Findings from this exploratory study revealed that single mothers involved in a mandatory welfare‐to‐work program experienced significantly lower job satisfaction than the Australian female population. The individual variable, parental distress, negatively predicted each of the six job satisfaction domains while being employed on a casual basis was inversely associated with three domains (job security, work hours and overall job satisfaction). The Australian government purported that making the transition from welfare to work would improve wellbeing for program participants, under the assumption that 'any job's a good job'. However, the relatively low levels of job satisfaction experienced by single mothers in the current study provide little support for this assumption.

Abstract
Purpose
Burgeoning research on intimate partner perpetrated economic abuse highlights the devastating and lasting impacts of economic exploitation, economic control, and employment sabotage, most often endured by women. Despite recognition of the potential outcomes that can result from intimate partner perpetrated economic abuse, such as lifelong poverty, and housing and employment insecurity, there is a dearth of evidence on prevention interventions into economic abuse, and interventions to help women recover from such abuse. This exploratory qualitative meta-synthesis examines existing research to identify key areas for systemic intervention into prevention of economic abuse.

Methods
Drawing on Bacchi's 'What's the problem represented to be?' approach, this qualitative meta-synthesis analyses 'problem representations' in 11 studies that report on interventions into intimate partner violence, including economic abuse. Articles were identified through a systematic literature search in EBSCOhost and SCOPUS using the following search terms: 'financial abuse' OR 'economic abuse' AND 'prevention' OR 'intervention' OR 'crisis.' The inclusion criteria were that the study must report: (1) empirical data from an intervention; (2) focus, at least in part, on EA given such abuse is often reported alongside other forms of abuse; (3) abuse occurring within the context of a current or former intimate partner relationship.

Results
We found that across the reviewed studies, economic abuse was not often explicitly defined, and within descriptions of tactics that constitute economic abuse, the perpetrator remained largely invisible. Interventions into intimate partner violence tended to focus on individualistic prevention/intervention through psychoeducation, men's intervention programs, clinical interventions, women's economic empowerment. Relational economic empowerment was also recommended alongside gender-based training to motivate couples to recognise traditional gender power dynamics in relationships.

Conclusions
We argue that most interventions individualise the prevention of and recovery from economic abuse, promoting women's self-improvement through financial literacy, economic empowerment, and education as responses to economic violence, rather than making male perpetrators accountable for the harm they cause. This gap in existing interventions reveals an opportunity for financial and government institutions to act through transformative structural reform that disrupts – rather than responds to – male perpetration of economic abuse.

Using discursive policy analysis, we analyse recent Australian childcare policy reform. By examining the policy framings of two successive governments and a childcare union, we demonstrate how the value of care work was strategically positioned by each of the three actors, constructing differing problems with different policy solutions. We argue that women's care work was recognised by one government as valuable and professional when it aligned with an educational investment framing of enhanced productivity. This framing was capitalised upon by a union campaign for 'professional' wages, resulting in a government childcare worker wage subsidy. However, prior to implementation, a change of government re-framed the problem. The new government cast mandatory quality standards as placing unnecessary financial pressure on families and business. Within this frame, the remedy was to instead subsidise employer staff-development costs without increasing workers' wages.